Nota: Josiah Mwangi Kariuki (21 Maart, 1929-maart 2, 1975) was een Keniaanse socialistische politicus tijdens het beleid van de overheid van Jomo Kenyatta. Hij nam verschillende overheidsstandpunten vanaf 1963 in, toen Kenia een onafhankelijk land, tot 1975 werd, toen hij werd vermoord. | Meer hier |
Door Njonjo Mue
Hij geleefd had het volledig leven, zou Josiah Mwangi Kariuki (die algemeen als JM wordt bekend) 79 vorige Vrijdag gedraaid hebben.
Maar het recente Lid van het Parlement voor het Noorden Nyandarua brutaal moord op 2 Maart, 1975, drie weken die plotseling van zijn 46ste verjaardag, Kenia van één van de specifiekste kampioenen van de rechten van de armen en een schreeuwende criticus van ongelijkheid roven.
Zijn dood, niettemin die grotendeels als politieke moord door mensen dicht bij de overheid Kenyatta wordt erkend, is nooit opgelost.
Met euphoria die de nationale macht-delende overeenkomst nog in de lucht en de bespreking van een nieuwe politieke in het verschiet orde omringt, is het een wenselijke tijd om welk JM te overdenken bevond zich voor, welk verschil hij aan ons politiek lichaam zou uitgemaakt hebben hij leefde had, en hoe te om zijn erfenis te beschermen en ervoor te zorgen dat ideals hij leefde en stierf voor niet aan een nieuwe generatie van actoren op het sociale, politieke en economische stadium worden verloren.
In the wake of the crisis that has engulfed Kenya since the disputed election last December, which plunged the country into unprecedented chaos, it is common ground that the election results announced by Mr Samuel Kivuitu merely provided the spark that lit the fire that threatened to consume this nation; the fuel had been accumulating over a long time.
Tribalism, past injustices and unequal distribution of resources such as land as well as pervasive poverty and economic inequalities were a time-bomb ticking away and waiting to explode.
And yet we cannot say we did not see it coming, for had we listened to our prophets, such as JM, we would not have come to this sad place. From the onset of independence in 1963, JM constantly warned those that seemed to have acquired a new disease of ‘grabbing’ thousands of acres of land while the majority of Kenyans remained landless.
“This is greed,” he thundered in Parliament in March 1974, one year before he was assassinated.
“It is this greed that will put this country into chaos. Let me state here that this greedy attitude among the leaders is going to ruin this country.”
JM specifically warned privileged elites from Central Province who were taking advantage of their positions to buy up land cheaply from other communities.
“They have even gone as far as Maasailand, saying that they are doing an experiment whereas the whole Masailand has been taken by those greedy people.”
His insight into the creeping inequality in the country acquired a prophetic tone when he warned that if we were not careful, the Kenya would become a country on “ten millionaires and ten million beggars”.
A walk through the slums of Kibera, Mathare, Korogocho and Kawangware today clearly illustrates that this prophesy has sadly come true.
Surrounded by rogues
JM foresaw the danger of ignoring the youth even before formal independence was granted to Kenya.
“If we forget these people (the youth)”, he told Parliament on November 14, 1963, “we will find ourselves surrounded by rogues who are rogues not because they want to become rogues but because they are hungry and this leads them into temptation… The Government should take action immediately before the situation goes from bad to worse.”
He called for a national assistance scheme for the widows and orphans of those who had been killed in the war of Independence and affirmative action for people living with disabilities. He condemned corruption and proposed that no minister or assistant minister should be allowed to sit on any board of a private company because this would lead to a conflict of interests.
On freedom, JM reminded us that political independence was not an end in itself.
“Political independence without economic independence is like having a wedding without a bride,” he told Parliament on March 21, 1974. He condemned dictatorship pointing out that emergent African leadership had perverted democracy to mean “Government by a few for a few on behalf of many, whether the many like it or not.”
Kenya is a country of forgetting and moving on. We ignore injustice after injustice until a crisis such as the one we are struggling to recover from catches up with us.
In these times of national reflection, one cannot help but wonder how far ahead we would be along the journey to true nationhood had we listened to prophets and statesmen like JM instead of killing them; had we taken care of our weak even as we celebrated our strong; had we understood the simple truth that there is enough to go around if it is shared equitably; had we resisted the urge to use our positions to take care of ‘our own’ because we understood that our own included all who call Kenya home.
Mercifully, it is not too late to build the Kenya that JM dreamed and spoke of. If we put our hearts and minds to it, we can be the generation that recovered the promise of a truly independent and democratic country where the individual and the state work together to build a just society.
Only then can we be able to enjoin ourselves to the hopeful vision of JM, proudly proclaimed in 1974, when he said: “In Kenya today, I can only see the dawn of a June morning rising majestically from the white oblivion into the serenity of life.”
About The Author: Njonjo Mue is the head of advocacy at the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights
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