By: Sebastian Nyamhangambiri In Harare, Zimbabwe

Morgan Tsvangirai
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From the humble beginnings of a headman in a dusty village to a mine plant foreman, Morgan Tsvangirai remains one of the most important political figures in Zimbabwe.

His quest to become Zimbabwe’s President has been on for eight years, a dream that has eluded him for all that period.

Tsvangirai, a charismatic and brave politician constantly running the risk of arrest or assassination, was the first to pose a credible challenge to President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu-PF in the 2000 election.

As the leader of Zimbabwe’s main opposition party, Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), he has been brutally assaulted, twice charged with treason and routinely labelled a “traitor” or “puppet” by Mugabe.

On March 11, this year, the world was shocked to see pictures of his gruesome injuries after police arrested and beat him for taking part in an “illegal” prayer meeting. Mugabe said the former Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions Secretary General “deserved” the treatment for being arrogant to authorities.

Tsvangirai, who narrowly lost the disputed 2002 presidential elections, commands support mostly from urban residents. Thanks to the economic meltdown, he is now getting support in the rural areas.

The legal dispute — in which he accuses Mugabe of rigging the elections – is still in court.

Although he says his victory is certain in this year’s election, he adds that “the MDC knows what to do if Mugabe rigs the poll.”

“The mood on the ground can only show a people’s victory. Nothing short of that will be in tandem with the people on the ground,” Tsvangirai told the press recently.

He added: “I have travelled the length and breadth of the country. I have seen the suffering, abject poverty and collapse of national infrastructure. That is very depressing.

Strongman – President Robert Mugabe
“I want to stress that in deciding to participate in the elections, it is a step towards de-legitimising Mugabe’s illegal regime. We entered fully aware of the limited space available. There is violence and intimidation. As the election date approaches and as evidence of loss by Zanu-PF becomes very clear, they have responded or are putting infrastructure for unleashing violence. But it has been generally peaceful because MDC members have not been retaliating.”

Tsvangirai’s MDC enters into the election weaker than in the previous plebiscite after the party split into two factions in 2005. Some of Tsvangirai’s closest allies said he has dictatorial tendencies. He had overruled a decision by the party’s leadership to take part in elections for the senate and ordered a boycott.

The other faction is contesting the parliamentary and senatorial posts but is backing Mugabe’s one-time ally and former Finance minister, Mr Simba Makoni, for presidency.

The eldest son of a former bricklayer in a family of nine children, Tsvangirai lacks formal education after leaving school as a teenager to help support his family.

Zimbabwe’s economy is among the worst in the world, with the highest inflation of more than 100,000 per cent and an unemployment rate of 80 per cent. Tsvangirai is hinging on that to unseat Mugabe.

“Our hunger, our anger, our suffering has made us stronger. Everyone has left the country for fear of repression, or to seek economic refugee. Those of us who have remained are beggars in our own country. All the dignity he (Mugabe) acquired has been overtaken by the suffering he has caused Zimbabweans,” says Tsvangirai.

But Mugabe’s grip on power shows no sign of loosening. Just as his popularity among Zimbabweans seems to be increasing, so is the hatred for Tsvangirai by the regime. He has been dragged to courts and severely assaulted several times.

Just before the 2002 presidential elections, a mysterious videotape emerged, which allegedly showed Tsvangirai discussing how to assassinate Mugabe with a Canadian political consultancy, Dickens and Madson. For the next 20 months, a death penalty hung over his head before he was acquitted. In 2003, he was charged with a second treason count, after calling for mass protests to oust Mugabe. These fizzled out under the force of police truncheons.

After losing in the 2000 parliamentary election, he told his MDC supporters: “If Mugabe does not go peacefully, he will be removed by force.”

The 56-year-old successfully argued in court that the statement was not a threat of armed rebellion but a warning of popular discontent. He was acquitted.

He seems to have developed a tendency to open his mouth before considering the consequences.

“From the onset, we have chosen the ballot as the only way of de-legitimising the Mugabe regime. Other African states have deteriorated after choosing the bullet route,” says Tsvangirai.

He has also developed a campaign style similar to Mugabe’s – use of music to raise emotions among supporters before addressing them.

He has a tendency, just like Mugabe, of name-calling: “Mugabe is a dictator, a geriatric. He celebrated his 84th birthday without knowing that it was his last…. He has promoted hate speech…” Tsvangirai told his supporters in Harare on March 23.

He now has a faith-based approach to campaigning: “If you fear God, you will be a president that cannot call for killings.”

Tsvangirai’s political transformation stemmed from his career in the trade unions. After being a plant foreman of an Anglo-American group mine for 10 years, he was elected secretary-general of the ZCTU in 1988 — the country’s umbrella of trade unions.

He holds the social democratic ideologies– ostensibly because of his background as a former miner and unionist. He has also blamed many of Zimbabwe’s economic woes on IMF’s structural adjustment programme.

He once said: “The IMF are devils and economic structural adjustment programme has extended the suffering of African people.”

Tsvangirai needs to at least wait a little while before tackling the ideological contradictions within his party. He is now working closely with industrialists who argue that market forces should be left to solve Zimbabwe’s economic problems on their own, with minimal Government interference. That sounds a little out of sync with social (workers’) democracy.

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