Tag Archive | "Africa" 标签档案库| “非洲”

Africa’s gain from Obama win非洲的增益由奥巴马双赢

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By: Maj OJH Oswago少校ojh oswago

Prof Noam Chomsky 教授诺姆乔姆斯基 persuasively presents the case that American foreign policy and conduct is premised on, and driven by, a maniacal quest for global hegemony.有说服力地介绍了情况,美国的外交政策和进行的前提是,和带动,疯狂追求全球霸权。 This hegemonic pursuit is mostly, unrestrained by International law or ethic, and is driven by its own internal logic.这霸权的追求是大多数,毫无节制地由国际法律或伦理,并带动其自身的内在逻辑。 It is driven by ideology (partly), but mostly by internal domestic corporate considerations.这是由思想驱动的(部分) ,但大多由国内企业内部的考虑因素。 And corporations, whether in symbolic matters like iconography, or, the more substantive and pervasive ones, like military industrial complex, dominate social life.和公司,无论是在象征性的事项一样,影像,或者,更实质性的和普遍的,像军工复杂,社会生活的主宰。

Obama will be severely constrained within this context, if he manages to clinch the presidential quest. 奥巴马将受到严重制约,在这一背景下,如果他管理,以clinch总统的追求。 What then, are the likely implications to Africa of a black American presidency? 那么,是有可能的影响,非洲的一个黑色的美国总统?

The Democratic Party nominee triumphed on a platform of change and hope.民主党党提名的胜利对平台的变化和希望。 Within the US, this change agenda, though attractive, is superficial and limited.在美国,这个改变议程,虽然有吸引力,是表面的和有限的。 It does not attempt transformation of the ideological and basic structures and social relations.它并不试图转型的思想和基本结构和社会关系。 Though unprofound, it is not inelegant.虽然unprofound ,这是不inelegant 。 It seeks to reduce, not reverse, the adversarial nature of politics that has divided the country into blue and red states, disempower the lobbying industry that throttles policy development into partisan interests and thus hindering search for consensus and pursuit of national interest; universal health provision and enhanced opportunity for education to minorities and large sections of society.它旨在减低,而不是相反,对抗的性质,政治分裂该国陷入蓝色和红色的国家, disempower游说业节流政策,发展成为党派利益,从而阻碍寻求共识和追求国家利益的;全民健康提供并加强教育的机会,以少数群体和大的社会阶层。 The hope bit, represents all things to all people, and, thus simultaneously, both enticing, and, or, vacuous in policy content.希望位,代表所有的事情所有的人,和,从而同时,无论是诱人,和,或者是空洞的政策内容。

Common sense 普通常识

It is a common sense agenda that should generate wide appeal, particularly coming after the neo-conservative nightmare, in the past decade. 这是一个普通常识的议程,应产生广泛的呼吁,特别是未来数后,新保守主义的恶梦,在过去的十年里。 His agenda is not radical liberalism, but rather compassionate realism.他的日程是不激进的自由主义,而是体恤的现实主义。 It will reaffirm the American dream.它将重申美国梦。 If successful, it will moderate, not puncture racial stereotypes.如果成功的话,它会温和,而不是穿刺种族成见。

There will be no material reparations for slave trade, but it would provide immense psychological and moral relief to the descendants of slave owners, and, boost to the self-esteem of blacks (in the US, Latin America and Africa) and all disadvantaged groups, worldwide.将不会有任何物质赔偿的奴隶贸易,但它会提供极大的心理和道德救济的后裔奴隶的业主,并促进自尊的黑人(在美国,拉丁美洲和非洲)以及所有弱势群体,全世界。

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基本乔姆斯基

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World Economic Forum on Africa — 04.06.2008, Cape Town, South Africa世界经济论坛对非洲-2 008年4月6日,南非开普敦

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Theme: Capitalizing on Opportunity 主题:充分利用机会
Ref: 档号: http://www.weforum.org/africa2008 http://www.weforum.org/africa2008

World Economic Forum on Africa opening plenary session 世界经济论坛对非洲会议的开幕式全体会议

The panelists are: 小组成员是:

1. John Agyekum Kufuor, President of Ghana 1 。约翰阿吉耶库姆库福尔,加纳总统
2. Thabo Mbeki, President of South Africa 2 。塔博姆贝基,南非总统
3. Bingu Wa Mutharika, Presidnet of Malawi 3 。宾穆塔里卡, presidnet的马拉维
4. Pierre Nkurunziza, President of Burundi 4 。皮埃尔恩库伦齐扎,布隆迪总统
5. Raila Amolo Odinga, Prime Minister of Kenya 5 。 raila阿莫洛odinga ,总理肯尼亚

Chaired by Klaus Schwab, Founder and Executive Chairman, World Economic Forum.主持克劳斯施瓦布,创始人和执行主席,世界经济论坛。

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US offers human species a chance to attain post-racial Eden美国提供的人类物种的一个机会,来达到后种族歧视伊甸园

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Prof. Ali Mazrui 教授阿里mazrui
教授阿里mazrui -点击图像查看简介 Last week in this space I posed a challenge to the United States of America: Will it realise its potential of becoming humankind’s post-racial garden of Eden, completing the odyssey from Africa as the first Garden of Eden? 上周在这空间我提出了挑战,美国:将它实现其潜力,成为人类的后花园种族的伊甸园,完成奥德赛来自非洲作为第一伊甸园? Or will the country waste that opportunity through bigotry, prejudice, and conflict?或将国家的废物,通过的机会,偏执,偏见,和冲突?

This week we raise the question: What are the migrations that initiated the linkage between the first Garden of Eden and the second Garden of Eden? 这个星期,我们提出这个问题:什么是移民发起之间的联系,第一伊甸园和第二伊甸园? The garden of birth was Africa; the garden of potential post-raciality is the United States.该园出生非洲;花园的潜在后raciality是美国。 Will the human race need the Edenisation of America towards the post-racial age?将人类的需要edenisation美国对后种族歧视的年龄?

The story of Adam and Eve occurs in three of the great world religions – Judaism, Christianity and Islam. Only two of the three Abrahamic religions have featured prominently in the belief systems of the African peoples – Christianity and Islam. 的故事,亚当和夏娃出现在三个伟大的世界宗教-犹太教,基督教和伊斯兰教。只有两个三个亚伯拉罕宗教突出,在信仰体系的非洲人民-基督教和伊斯兰教。 Christianity and Islam have cast a shadow on the migrations of African peoples from the continent of the First Eden to the shores of the Second.基督教和伊斯兰教蒙上了阴影就迁徙非洲人民从大陆的第一伊甸园向海岸第二。

Central to the transfer of the African peoples from Africa to America was of course the role of Europe. If Africa invented the human race, Europe perfected racism. Europeans then inaugurated the most extensive trade in slaves ever attempted in human history.中环至转让非洲人民从非洲到美国是当然的角色,欧洲, 如果非洲发明了人类,欧洲完善的种族主义。欧洲人,然后宣誓就职的最广泛的贸易在奴隶以往任何时候都企图在人类历史上。 Both European racism and European slave trade helped to set the stage for creating a multi-racial ‘New World.’ The final Eden was slowly in the making.欧洲种族主义和欧洲的奴隶贸易,帮助搭建了舞台,为建立一个多种族'新的世界' ,最后伊甸园是缓慢,在决策。

It is common knowledge that one of the ways by which Europeans legitimised the slave trade was by portraying Africans as heathens and cannibals.这是共同知识的途径之一,其中欧洲人legitimised奴隶贸易的描绘是由非洲人作为heathens和食。 What is not often realised is that African resistance to European enslavement was in turn partly inspired by African fears that those white-skinned people were the ones who were cannibals.什么是不经常意识到的是,非洲的阻力,欧洲被奴役,从而部分灵感来自非洲的恐惧,那些白皮肤人,那些谁被食。

As a Dutch contemporary Willem Bosman summed it up, “Sometimes we deal with slaves from deep in the interior, who convince each other that the reason why we buy and transport them is to fatten them and sell them again for an appetising meal.”作为荷兰当代威廉博斯曼归纳起来, “有时候,我们处理的奴隶,从深在内政,谁说服对方的原因,我们购买和运输,他们是为了他们的育肥和出售他们再次一appetising餐” 。

What was happening was the forceful transfer of citizens of the world’s first Garden of Eden (Africa) to the shores of what may well turn out to be the world’s final Garden of Eden- the USA. 正在发生什么,是有力的转移世界公民的第一伊甸园(非洲) ,以海岸什么样的可能,以及转出将成为世界上最后的伊甸园-美国。 That part of the population of the United States that was of African descent was historically destined to play decisive roles in the evolution of the second Eden towards its historic destiny. 这部分人口的美国,这是非洲人后裔的历史注定要发挥决定性作用,在演变的第二个伊甸园实现其历史命运。

The anti-slavery spirit of resistance among Africans was inspired by many factors, including love for freedom and a determination to remain on the soil of their ancestors.反奴役的精神阻力之间的非洲人的启发因素有很多,包括爱自由,并决心继续留在土壤中他们的祖先。 But a perception of the white man as a cannibal, as the ultimate serpent who might eat up the African, aggravated African anxieties.但一种观念的白人男子为食,为最终蛇,谁可能是吃了非洲,加剧了非洲的忧虑。

In 1752 one European captain in the harbour of Paramaribo, Suriname, was worried about whether his enslaved Africans on his ship Prins Willem V would jump overboard because “they feared they would be eaten” on arrival at their destination.在1752年1欧洲队队长在海港内的帕拉马里博,苏里南,担心是否他的被奴役的非洲人,他就船上的Prins威廉v会跳转过分,因为“他们担心他们会吃”就到达目的地。

And an 18th century European handbook for slave traders urged the slavers to “assure the slaves, after they have been purchased, that they should not be afraid- that white people were not cannibals…” In our terms, the serpent was historically deadly, but was not a man-eater in the literal sense.和一个18世纪的欧洲手册奴隶交易敦促slavers ,以“保证奴隶后,他们已购买的,他们不应该害怕,即白的人不食… … ”在我们的条款,蛇,是历史上致命的,但是不是一个人吃,在字面上。

Back in Africa, indigenous rulers differed in their attitude to the slave trade.早在非洲,土著统治者的不同,他们的态度向奴隶贸易。 John Thornton reminds us that Queen Nzinga Nbande of Matamba in Angola tried to mobilise and coordinate opposition to the Portuguese slave traders in the 1630s and 1640s.约翰桑顿提醒我们,皇后nzinga nbande的马坦巴在安哥拉的尝试,以动员和协调反对以葡萄牙语奴隶交易,在1630s和1640年代。 But the Portuguese fought back and unfortunately got African allies in opposition to Queen Nzinga.但葡萄牙和回击,可惜了非洲的盟友,反对女王nzinga 。

In the 18th century, Tomba, the leader of the Baga on the Guinean Coast, also tried to stop the slave trade but was opposed by resident Europeans, Mulattoes and African collaborators. 在十八世纪, tomba ,领导人对巴噶对几内亚海岸,也试图阻止奴隶贸易,但反对由驻地欧洲人, mulattoes和非洲的合作者。

Agaji Trudo was one of the greatest kings of Dahomey. agaji trudo是一个最大的国王达荷美。 He was hostile to the slave trade, and invaded coastal Aja kingdoms partly in a bid to stop the trade.他是敌对的奴隶贸易的,和入侵沿海司法机构助理政务长王国部分,在企图阻止贸易。 His successes were short lived. Racist Europe persevered.他的成功是短期的生活。 种族主义欧洲坚持。

Our essay here poses the issue of whether there is a secular historical and collective version of the biblical story of Genesis.我们的征文在这里构成的问题,是否有一个世俗的历史和集体版本的圣经故事的成因。 Should we look at Africa as the first Garden of Eden – the original habitat of the human species, fallible, mortal and therefore profoundly human?我们应该看看非洲作为第一伊甸园-原生境的人类物种,会犯错误,致命的,因此,深刻人类? Should we look at the United States as potentially the second Eden, the future vanguard of a post-racial world?我们应该看看美国作为潜在的第二个伊甸园,未来的先锋队,后种族歧视的世界呢?

In 1978 William Julius Wilson alerted us about The Declining Relevance of Race.在1978年威廉朱利卫奕信提醒我们约下降的相关性军备竞赛。 Prof Wilson might have been prophetic rather than descriptive.教授卫奕信可能已经预言,而不是说明性的文字。

America as the second Garden of Eden must first get its racial house in order. Between now and the end of the 21st century, America has to learn how to cope with race and ethnicity, with an increasingly aging population, and with the gender gaps of privilege in its population. 美国作为第二个伊甸园,必须先取得其种族众议院在秩序。现在到年底之间的二十一世纪,美国要了解如何应付种族和民族,与一个日益老化的人口,并与性别差距的特权,在其人口。

America must learn how to accommodate its impatient youth, how to re-define its moral values, and how to become the final burying ground of sectarian hatreds and racial strife on the world scene.美国必须学会如何容纳它的不耐烦,青年,如何重新界定其道德价值观,以及如何成为最后埋在地面的宗派仇恨和种族纷争在世界舞台上。

Here is the Tale of Two Edens – Africa where the human species began, and America where the human species stands a chance of attaining its optimum post-racial fulfillment, guided by African Americans as sons and daughters of the first Eden. 这里是故事二edens -非洲而人类物种的开始,美国如果人类物种的立场的机会,实现其优化后的种族圆满,遵循非裔美国人,作为中华儿女的第一伊甸园。

That Africa was the first Garden of Eden is a fact of history and paleontology.非洲是第一伊甸园是一个事实,历史和古生物学。 There was light in the Dark Continent before there was light anywhere else.有鉴于在黑暗的大陆之前,有鉴于其他地方。 That America is the second Garden of Eden is still a matter of hope and aspiration.美国是第二伊甸园仍然是一个问题,希望和愿望。 Let there be divine light on America too.让有神圣的光照对美国太。

Thus is it written: There was made the first man, the African living soul. 因此,它是写:有取得第一名男子,非洲活的灵魂。

Then, the last ideal, the American life-giving post-racial spirit.然后,最后的理想,美国赋予生命后种族的精神。

Millennia after Adam there arose an Obama.几千年后,亚当有出现一奥巴马。 It is now conceivable, nay credible, that our great grandchildren, of all ethnicities and all faiths, of all colours and all national origins, may witness such a miracle of a post-racial dawn before the end of this century.现在是可以想象的,在NaY可信的,我们伟大的孙子,所有种族和所有信仰,所有的颜色和所有国家的起源,可能的证人,如一个奇迹,一个职位种族黎明之前,到本世纪末。

About The Author(s): Prof. 关于作者( ) : 教授 Ali Mazrui is Chancellor of 阿里mazrui是校长的 Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture 乔莫肯雅塔农业大学 , Kenya. ,肯尼亚。

原来的非洲遗产研究圣经:国王詹姆斯版

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Xenophobia: Is South Africa the exception?仇外心理:是南非的例外呢?

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By Khamati Shilabukhakhamati shilabukha

In the past few years, there have been efforts to re-position Africa in the globalising world to take care of relationships among its states and the rest of the world.在过去几年中,已在努力,以重新定位,非洲国家在全球化的世界,以照顾之间的关系,其国和世界其余地区。

The association of African states was restructured from the Organisation of African Unity, to the African Union.该协会的非洲国家的改组从非洲统一组织,非洲联盟。 Many would argue that this is merely a change in name and not in the character of the organisation.很多人认为这只是一个名称的改变,而不是性质的组织。

Proponents of the “new” outfit argue that it is meant to generate a new awareness of who we are.倡议者, “新”装备认为,就是要产生一个新的认识,我们是谁。 Many also hold the view that Africans are too divided to evolve into a meaningful regional identity.许多人还认为,非洲人过于分歧演变为一个有意义的区域形象。

This argument stems from the myriad conflict situations in the continent.这种说法源于无数的冲突局势在非洲大陆。 The conflicts are both intra-national and international, with the former more prevalent.冲突都是内部的国家和国际,与前更为普遍。

Intra-national conflicts are often the result of internal (political/economic) power squabbles.内部的民族冲突,往往是因内部(政治/经济)权力的争吵。 Sierra Leone, Liberia, DRC, Rwanda, Madagascar, Central Africa Republic, Algeria, Ivory Coast and Kenya are some examples of countries that have experienced such conflicts.塞拉利昂,利比里亚,刚果民主共和国,卢旺达,马达加斯加,中部非洲共和国,阿尔及利亚,象牙海岸和肯尼亚都是一些例子,国家经历了这种冲突。 They have all received adequate media coverage.他们都获得足够的媒体报道。 But the other genre of conflict has not received the same kind of coverage, yet it is crucial in the pursuit of a global and modern Africa.但其他类型的冲突并没有收到相同的种覆盖,但它是非常重要的在追求一个全球性和现代非洲。

This conflict derives from all forms of discrimination including racism and xenophobia.这场冲突源于一切形式的歧视,包括种族主义和仇外心理。 It is vicious and has gone on for some time.这是恶性,并已进行了一段时间的。 These forms of discrimination are serious, and efforts have been made to put them on the global agenda.这些形式的歧视,严重的,并已作出努力把他们在全球议程上。

The most appropriate example is the current attacks on foreigners in South Africa.最适当的例子是,目前的攻击,对外国人在南非举行。 The question that begs answers is, why at this time in Africa?议题是不敢苟同的答案是,为什么在这个时候是在非洲吗? All sectors of a society have an obligation to contribute to the resolution of this conflict.各阶层的一个社会都有义务有助于解决这一冲突。 We need to examine the extent to which as leaders, scholars and policy makers, we can intervene in this scourge called xenophobia.我们需要研究在何种程度上作为领导人,学者和决策者,我们可以进行干预,在这一祸害所谓的仇外心理。

It is argued that xenophobia is a result of poor intercultural communication.有人争辩说,仇外心理是一个结果,穷人跨文化交际。 Members of one culture do not understand, appreciate and accommodate those from another culture.成员之一的文化并不了解,欣赏和容纳那些从另一种文化。 They lack adequate information to deal with such people with the least stress and threat.他们缺乏足够的信息来处理这类的人,至少压力和威胁。

But acquiring such information does not come easy and the poor management of communication often leads to strife.但获取这些资料并不容易,以及管理不善沟通,往往导致内乱。 This could be the case in South Africa.这可能是此案在南非举行。 One major source of information that allows us a wide world view and a more holistic perception and appreciation of others is the mass media.其中一个主要的资料来源,使我们广泛的世界观和更全面的认知和欣赏别人的是大众传媒。 But the mass media, as inanimate objects, cannot do anything.但大众传媒,作为无生命的物体,不能做任何事情。 It is those who use and manipulate them that can make the difference.这是那些谁使用和操纵他们,可以使差异。

Xenophobia is a global problem. Although the phenomenon is ubiquitous in contemporary societies, its targets vary across countries and nations. 仇外心理是一个全球性问题,虽然是普遍存在的现象,在当代社会,其目标也是不同的国家和民族。 It is such that even those who have been a subject of hate also develop hatred for others.它是如此,即使是那些谁一直受到仇恨,也发展仇恨别人。 But how does this hatred come about?但如何,这是否仇恨来呢? Anthropologists and other social scientists posit that a population composed mainly of foreigners is an environment in which xenophobia can easily thrive.人类学家和其它社会科学家posit一个人口组成的,主要是外国人,是一种环境,使仇外心理可以轻松地蓬勃发展。

They distinguish three theoretical approaches to the rise and diffusion of hatred.他们区分三个理论方法的兴起和扩散的仇恨。 The first relates to socio-economic status of individuals, the second pertains to their cultural identity and the third the general attributes of society.第一个问题涉及社会经济地位的个人,第二是属于他们的文化身份和第三次的一般属性的社会。

Source of hatred 来源仇恨

The first approach derives from the “power theory” – a paradigm that views the relationship between groups as a function of their competitive positions.第一种方法源自“权力理论” -一个范式的意见之间的关系,群体作为一个功能他们的竞争地位。 This concept suggests that a threat of one particular group to another is a source of hatred.这个概念表明的威胁,特别是一组到另一个是一个来源的仇恨。 When people feel insecure in the face of threat, they portray resentment and hate.当人们感到不安,在面对威胁,他们塑造的不满和仇恨。 But here, the intensity of hate need not necessarily depend on real competition on the job market but on the perception of threat.但在这里,强度仇恨不一定需要依赖于真正的竞争,对就业市场,但对观感的威胁。 This is sufficient ground to induce animosity.这是足够理由促使敌对情绪。 Much of this is absent in the South African situation.大部分的缺席,这是在南非的情况。

The cultural symbolic approach holds that animosity towards the other is not a consequence of economic competition between rival groups.文化象征的做法,认为敌视另一种是没有后果的经济竞争之间的对立集团。 It is a product of early political and value socialisation.是一种产品,它早期的政治和社交价值。 The main issue here is the fear of loss of social status and identity.主要问题是这里的恐惧,丧失社会地位和身份。

Thus, cultural differences among people could be responsible for conflicts and hatred.因此,文化差异,人与人之间可以负责的冲突和仇恨。 In this approach, it can be explained that people would prefer to be surrounded by their own kind rather than be exposed to “strangers”.在此方法中,它可以解释说,人们宁愿被包围,由他们自己的一种,而不是被暴露在“陌生人” 。 Defining a group of people as “un-belonging” to the national “we” deprives them of the right to belong.确定了一批人,作为“联合国属于”国家“我们” ,剥夺了他们的权利属于。 Much of this is also absent in South Africa.很多,这也是缺席在南非举行。

The third approach, termed phenomenology, attributes xenophobia not to economic strains or cultural divergence but to general attributes of society.第三种做法,被称为现象学,属性仇外心理的不经济株或文化的分歧,但一般属性的社会。 When society experiences deep crises, which occur intermittently, anomic tensions encroach upon social postures.当社会的经验,深刻危机,这些危机发生间歇性, anomic的紧张局势,侵犯社会的姿态。

This leads to a crisis of collective identity “so that the calm self-certainty which might enable unproblematic relations with the minorities gets lost”.这导致的危机,集体认同“ ,使平静的自我肯定,这可能使不成问题的关系与少数获得迷失” 。 Under this approach, xenophobia is interpreted as a way of reassuring the national self and its boundaries, as an attempt at making sense of the world in times of crisis.根据这一办法,仇外心理是解释为一种令人安心的民族自决和在其境内,作为一个企图在决策的责任感,世界在发生危机的时候。 This could be happening to indigenous South Africans.这可能是发生在南非土著。

To start with, the impeding fallout between President Thabo Mbeki and Africa National Congress (ANC) leader Jacob Zuma could be disillusioning to many ordinary citizens of African descent.首先,阻碍尘之间的总统姆贝基和非洲国民大会(非国大)领袖祖马可失望的许多普通公民,非洲人后裔。

Many of them subscribe to ANC with a passion yet they find themselves on the sidelines when major party decisions are being made.他们中的许多订阅非国大与激情,但他们发现自己就在一旁当党的决定,主要是正在取得进展。 At the same time, they have not benefited from the economic prosperity of their country.在同一时间内,他们并没有受益于经济繁荣,他们的国家。

Many South Africans still live in squalid conditions and the dream of land reform has turned into a pipe dream.许多南非人仍生活在肮脏的条件和梦想的土地,改革变成了梦想。 These issues run so deep in their collective psyche that they need reassurance of economic and social survival.这些问题来说,如此之深,在他们的集体心理,他们需要得到保证经济和社会的生存。 But they are directing their anger at the wrong enemy.但他们指挥他们的愤怒在错误的敌人。

Many of the low class Zimbabweans, Malawians, Zambians and nationals of other countries are escaping economic hardship and political violence which South Africa has refused to acknowledge as a problem, especially in Zimbabwe.许多低阶层的津巴布韦,马拉维,赞比亚和其他国家的国民是摆脱经济困境和政治暴力,南非拒不承认一个问题,尤其是在津巴布韦。

They should commit themselves to assisting them to the best of their capacity.他们应承诺,以协助他们尽其能力。 And this applies to other countries with a chance to host other Africans in need of refuge and sanctuary.这适用于其他国家的一个机会,主办其他非洲人有需要的避难所和庇护所。

About The Author: Graeme Briggs -The writer is a Research Fellow at Institute of Anthropology, Gender and African Studies, 关于作者: 格雷米布里格斯 -作者是研究员在研究所的人类学,性别和非洲的研究, University of Nairobi 内罗毕大学

妖魔化其他: antisemitism ,种族主义和仇外心理(研究在antisemitism )

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