Tag Archive | "Africa" 標籤檔案庫| “非洲”

US offers human species a chance to attain post-racial Eden美國提供的人類物種的一個機會,來達到後種族歧視伊甸園

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Prof. Ali Mazrui 教授阿里mazrui
教授阿里mazrui -點擊圖像查看簡介 Last week in this space I posed a challenge to the United States of America: Will it realise its potential of becoming humankind’s post-racial garden of Eden, completing the odyssey from Africa as the first Garden of Eden? 上週在這空間我提出了挑戰,美國:將它實現其潛力,成為人類的後花園種族的伊甸園,完成奧德賽來自非洲作為第一伊甸園? Or will the country waste that opportunity through bigotry, prejudice, and conflict?或將國家的廢物,通過的機會,偏執,偏見,和衝突?

This week we raise the question: What are the migrations that initiated the linkage between the first Garden of Eden and the second Garden of Eden? 這個星期,我們提出這個問題:什麼是移民發起之間的聯繫,第一伊甸園和第二伊甸園? The garden of birth was Africa; the garden of potential post-raciality is the United States.該園出生非洲;花園的潛在後raciality是美國。 Will the human race need the Edenisation of America towards the post-racial age?將人類的需要edenisation美國對後種族歧視的年齡?

The story of Adam and Eve occurs in three of the great world religions – Judaism, Christianity and Islam. Only two of the three Abrahamic religions have featured prominently in the belief systems of the African peoples – Christianity and Islam. 的故事,亞當和夏娃出現在三個偉大的世界宗教-猶太教,基督教和伊斯蘭教。只有兩個三個亞伯拉罕宗教突出,在信仰體系的非洲人民-基督教和伊斯蘭教。 Christianity and Islam have cast a shadow on the migrations of African peoples from the continent of the First Eden to the shores of the Second.基督教和伊斯蘭教蒙上了陰影就遷徙非洲人民從大陸的第一伊甸園向海岸第二。

Central to the transfer of the African peoples from Africa to America was of course the role of Europe. If Africa invented the human race, Europe perfected racism. Europeans then inaugurated the most extensive trade in slaves ever attempted in human history.中環至轉讓非洲人民從非洲到美國是當然的角色,歐洲, 如果非洲發明了人類,歐洲完善的種族主義。歐洲人,然後宣誓就職的最廣泛的貿易在奴隸以往任何時候都企圖在人類歷史上。 Both European racism and European slave trade helped to set the stage for creating a multi-racial ‘New World.’ The final Eden was slowly in the making.歐洲種族主義和歐洲的奴隸貿易,幫助搭建了舞台,為建立一個多種族'新的世界' ,最後伊甸園是緩慢,在決策。

It is common knowledge that one of the ways by which Europeans legitimised the slave trade was by portraying Africans as heathens and cannibals.這是共同知識的途徑之一,其中歐洲人legitimised奴隸貿易的描繪是由非洲人作為heathens和食。 What is not often realised is that African resistance to European enslavement was in turn partly inspired by African fears that those white-skinned people were the ones who were cannibals.什麼是不經常意識到的是,非洲的阻力,歐洲被奴役,從而部分靈感來自非洲的恐懼,那些白皮膚人,那些誰被食。

As a Dutch contemporary Willem Bosman summed it up, “Sometimes we deal with slaves from deep in the interior, who convince each other that the reason why we buy and transport them is to fatten them and sell them again for an appetising meal.”作為荷蘭當代威廉博斯曼歸納起來, “有時候,我們處理的奴隸,從深在內政,誰說服對方的原因,我們購買和運輸,他們是為了他們的育肥和出售他們再次一appetising餐” 。

What was happening was the forceful transfer of citizens of the world’s first Garden of Eden (Africa) to the shores of what may well turn out to be the world’s final Garden of Eden- the USA. 正在發生什麼,是有力的轉移世界公民的第一伊甸園(非洲) ,以海岸什麼樣的可能,以及轉出將成為世界上最後的伊甸園-美國。 That part of the population of the United States that was of African descent was historically destined to play decisive roles in the evolution of the second Eden towards its historic destiny. 這部分人口的美國,這是非洲人後裔的歷史注定要發揮決定性作用,在演變的第二個伊甸園實現其歷史命運。

The anti-slavery spirit of resistance among Africans was inspired by many factors, including love for freedom and a determination to remain on the soil of their ancestors.反奴役的精神阻力之間的非洲人的啟發因素有很多,包括愛自由,並決心繼續留在土壤中他們的祖先。 But a perception of the white man as a cannibal, as the ultimate serpent who might eat up the African, aggravated African anxieties.但一種觀念的白人男子為食,為最終蛇,誰可能是吃了非洲,加劇了非洲的憂慮。

In 1752 one European captain in the harbour of Paramaribo, Suriname, was worried about whether his enslaved Africans on his ship Prins Willem V would jump overboard because “they feared they would be eaten” on arrival at their destination.在1752年1歐洲隊隊長在海港內的帕拉馬里博,蘇里南,擔心是否他的被奴役的非洲人,他就船上的Prins威廉v會跳轉過分,因為“他們擔心他們會吃”就到達目的地。

And an 18th century European handbook for slave traders urged the slavers to “assure the slaves, after they have been purchased, that they should not be afraid- that white people were not cannibals…” In our terms, the serpent was historically deadly, but was not a man-eater in the literal sense.和一個18世紀的歐洲手冊奴隸交易敦促slavers ,以“保證奴隸後,他們已購買的,他們不應該害怕,即白的人不食… … ”在我們的條款,蛇,是歷史上致命的,但是不是一個人吃,在字面上。

Back in Africa, indigenous rulers differed in their attitude to the slave trade.早在非洲,土著統治者的不同,他們的態度向奴隸貿易。 John Thornton reminds us that Queen Nzinga Nbande of Matamba in Angola tried to mobilise and coordinate opposition to the Portuguese slave traders in the 1630s and 1640s.約翰桑頓提醒我們,皇后nzinga nbande的馬坦巴在安哥拉的嘗試,以動員和協調反對以葡萄牙語奴隸交易,在1630s和1640年代。 But the Portuguese fought back and unfortunately got African allies in opposition to Queen Nzinga.但葡萄牙和回擊,可惜了非洲的盟友,反對女王nzinga 。

In the 18th century, Tomba, the leader of the Baga on the Guinean Coast, also tried to stop the slave trade but was opposed by resident Europeans, Mulattoes and African collaborators. 在十八世紀, tomba ,領導人對巴噶對幾內亞海岸,也試圖阻止奴隸貿易,但反對由駐地歐洲人, mulattoes和非洲的合作者。

Agaji Trudo was one of the greatest kings of Dahomey. agaji trudo是一個最大的國王達荷美。 He was hostile to the slave trade, and invaded coastal Aja kingdoms partly in a bid to stop the trade.他是敵對的奴隸貿易的,和入侵沿海司法機構助理政務長王國部分,在企圖阻止貿易。 His successes were short lived. Racist Europe persevered.他的成功是短期的生活。 種族主義歐洲堅持。

Our essay here poses the issue of whether there is a secular historical and collective version of the biblical story of Genesis.我們的徵文在這裡構成的問題,是否有一個世俗的歷史和集體版本的聖經故事的成因。 Should we look at Africa as the first Garden of Eden – the original habitat of the human species, fallible, mortal and therefore profoundly human?我們應該看看非洲作為第一伊甸園-原生境的人類物種,會犯錯誤,致命的,因此,深刻人類? Should we look at the United States as potentially the second Eden, the future vanguard of a post-racial world?我們應該看看美國作為潛在的第二個伊甸園,未來的先鋒隊,後種族歧視的世界呢?

In 1978 William Julius Wilson alerted us about The Declining Relevance of Race.在1978年威廉朱利衛奕信提醒我們約下降的相關性軍備競賽。 Prof Wilson might have been prophetic rather than descriptive.教授衛奕信可能已經預言,而不是說明性的文字。

America as the second Garden of Eden must first get its racial house in order. Between now and the end of the 21st century, America has to learn how to cope with race and ethnicity, with an increasingly aging population, and with the gender gaps of privilege in its population. 美國作為第二個伊甸園,必須先取得其種族眾議院在秩序。現在到年底之間的二十一世紀,美國要了解如何應付種族和民族,與一個日益老化的人口,並與性別差距的特權,在其人口。

America must learn how to accommodate its impatient youth, how to re-define its moral values, and how to become the final burying ground of sectarian hatreds and racial strife on the world scene.美國必須學會如何容納它的不耐煩,青年,如何重新界定其道德價值觀,以及如何成為最後埋在地面的宗派仇恨和種族紛爭在世界舞台上。

Here is the Tale of Two Edens – Africa where the human species began, and America where the human species stands a chance of attaining its optimum post-racial fulfillment, guided by African Americans as sons and daughters of the first Eden. 這裡是故事二edens -非洲而人類物種的開始,美國如果人類物種的立場的機會,實現其優化後的種族圓滿,遵循非裔美國人,作為中華兒女的第一伊甸園。

That Africa was the first Garden of Eden is a fact of history and paleontology.非洲是第一伊甸園是一個事實,歷史和古生物學。 There was light in the Dark Continent before there was light anywhere else.有鑑於在黑暗的大陸之前,有鑑於其他地方。 That America is the second Garden of Eden is still a matter of hope and aspiration.美國是第二伊甸園仍然是一個問題,希望和願望。 Let there be divine light on America too.讓有神聖的光照對美國太。

Thus is it written: There was made the first man, the African living soul. 因此,它是寫:有取得第一名男子,非洲活的靈魂。

Then, the last ideal, the American life-giving post-racial spirit.然後,最後的理想,美國賦予生命後種族的精神。

Millennia after Adam there arose an Obama.幾千年後,亞當有出現一奧巴馬。 It is now conceivable, nay credible, that our great grandchildren, of all ethnicities and all faiths, of all colours and all national origins, may witness such a miracle of a post-racial dawn before the end of this century.現在是可以想像的,在NaY可信的,我們偉大的孫子,所有種族和所有信仰,所有的顏色和所有國家的起源,可能的證人,如一個奇蹟,一個職位種族黎明之前,到本世紀末。

原來的非洲遺產研究聖經:國王詹姆斯版

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Xenophobia: Is South Africa the exception?仇外心理:是南非的例外呢?

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By Khamati Shilabukhakhamati shilabukha

In the past few years, there have been efforts to re-position Africa in the globalising world to take care of relationships among its states and the rest of the world.在過去幾年中,已在努力,以重新定位,非洲國家在全球化的世界,以照顧之間的關係,其國和世界其餘地區。

The association of African states was restructured from the Organisation of African Unity, to the African Union.該協會的非洲國家的改組從非洲統一組織,非洲聯盟。 Many would argue that this is merely a change in name and not in the character of the organisation.很多人認為這只是一個名稱的改變,而不是性質的組織。

Proponents of the “new” outfit argue that it is meant to generate a new awareness of who we are.倡議者, “新”裝備認為,就是要產生一個新的認識,我們是誰。 Many also hold the view that Africans are too divided to evolve into a meaningful regional identity.許多人還認為,非洲人過於分歧演變為一個有意義的區域形象。

This argument stems from the myriad conflict situations in the continent.這種說法源於無數的衝突局勢在非洲大陸。 The conflicts are both intra-national and international, with the former more prevalent.衝突都是內部的國家和國際,與前更為普遍。

Intra-national conflicts are often the result of internal (political/economic) power squabbles.內部的民族衝突,往往是因內部(政治/經濟)權力的爭吵。 Sierra Leone, Liberia, DRC, Rwanda, Madagascar, Central Africa Republic, Algeria, Ivory Coast and Kenya are some examples of countries that have experienced such conflicts.塞拉利昂,利比里亞,剛果民主共和國,盧旺達,馬達加斯加,中部非洲共和國,阿爾及利亞,象牙海岸和肯尼亞都是一些例子,國家經歷了這種衝突。 They have all received adequate media coverage.他們都獲得足夠的媒體報導。 But the other genre of conflict has not received the same kind of coverage, yet it is crucial in the pursuit of a global and modern Africa.但其他類型的衝突並沒有收到相同的種覆蓋,但它是非常重要的在追求一個全球性和現代非洲。

This conflict derives from all forms of discrimination including racism and xenophobia.這場衝突源於一切形式的歧視,包括種族主義和仇外心理。 It is vicious and has gone on for some time.這是惡性,並已進行了一段時間的。 These forms of discrimination are serious, and efforts have been made to put them on the global agenda.這些形式的歧視,嚴重的,並已作出努力把他們在全球議程上。

The most appropriate example is the current attacks on foreigners in South Africa.最適當的例子是,目前的攻擊,對外國人在南非舉行。 The question that begs answers is, why at this time in Africa?議題是不敢苟同的答案是,為什麼在這個時候是在非洲嗎? All sectors of a society have an obligation to contribute to the resolution of this conflict.各階層的一個社會都有義務有助於解決這一衝突。 We need to examine the extent to which as leaders, scholars and policy makers, we can intervene in this scourge called xenophobia.我們需要研究在何種程度上作為領導人,學者和決策者,我們可以進行干預,在這一禍害所謂的仇外心理。

It is argued that xenophobia is a result of poor intercultural communication.有人爭辯說,仇外心理是一個結果,窮人跨文化交際。 Members of one culture do not understand, appreciate and accommodate those from another culture.成員之一的文化並不了解,欣賞和容納那些從另一種文化。 They lack adequate information to deal with such people with the least stress and threat.他們缺乏足夠的信息來處理這類的人,至少壓力和威脅。

But acquiring such information does not come easy and the poor management of communication often leads to strife.但獲取這些資料並不容易,以及管理不善溝通,往往導致內亂。 This could be the case in South Africa.這可能是此案在南非舉行。 One major source of information that allows us a wide world view and a more holistic perception and appreciation of others is the mass media.其中一個主要的資料來源,使我們廣泛的世界觀和更全面的認知和欣賞別人的是大眾傳媒。 But the mass media, as inanimate objects, cannot do anything.但大眾傳媒,作為無生命的物體,不能做任何事情。 It is those who use and manipulate them that can make the difference.這是那些誰使用和操縱他們,可以使差異。

Xenophobia is a global problem. Although the phenomenon is ubiquitous in contemporary societies, its targets vary across countries and nations. 仇外心理是一個全球性問題,雖然是普遍存在的現象,在當代社會,其目標也是不同的國家和民族。 It is such that even those who have been a subject of hate also develop hatred for others.它是如此,即使是那些誰一直受到仇恨,也發展仇恨別人。 But how does this hatred come about?但如何,這是否仇恨來呢? Anthropologists and other social scientists posit that a population composed mainly of foreigners is an environment in which xenophobia can easily thrive.人類學家和其它社會科學家posit一個人口組成的,主要是外國人,是一種環境,使仇外心理可以輕鬆地蓬勃發展。

They distinguish three theoretical approaches to the rise and diffusion of hatred.他們區分三個理論方法的興起和擴散的仇恨。 The first relates to socio-economic status of individuals, the second pertains to their cultural identity and the third the general attributes of society.第一個問題涉及社會經濟地位的個人,第二是屬於他們的文化身份和第三次的一般屬性的社會。

Source of hatred 來源仇恨

The first approach derives from the “power theory” – a paradigm that views the relationship between groups as a function of their competitive positions.第一種方法源自“權力理論” -一個範式的意見之間的關係,群體作為一個功能他們的競爭地位。 This concept suggests that a threat of one particular group to another is a source of hatred.這個概念表明的威脅,特別是一組到另一個是一個來源的仇恨。 When people feel insecure in the face of threat, they portray resentment and hate.當人們感到不安,在面對威脅,他們塑造的不滿和仇恨。 But here, the intensity of hate need not necessarily depend on real competition on the job market but on the perception of threat.但在這裡,強度仇恨不一定需要依賴於真正的競爭,對就業市場,但對觀感的威脅。 This is sufficient ground to induce animosity.這是足夠理由促使敵對情緒。 Much of this is absent in the South African situation.大部分的缺席,這是在南非的情況。

The cultural symbolic approach holds that animosity towards the other is not a consequence of economic competition between rival groups.文化象徵的做法,認為敵視另一種是沒有後果的經濟競爭之間的對立集團。 It is a product of early political and value socialisation.是一種產品,它早期的政治和社交價值。 The main issue here is the fear of loss of social status and identity.主要問題是這裡的恐懼,喪失社會地位和身份。

Thus, cultural differences among people could be responsible for conflicts and hatred.因此,文化差異,人與人之間可以負責的衝突和仇恨。 In this approach, it can be explained that people would prefer to be surrounded by their own kind rather than be exposed to “strangers”.在此方法中,它可以解釋說,人們寧願被包圍,由他們自己的一種,而不是被暴露在“陌生人” 。 Defining a group of people as “un-belonging” to the national “we” deprives them of the right to belong.確定了一批人,作為“聯合國屬於”國家“我們” ,剝奪了他們的權利屬於。 Much of this is also absent in South Africa.很多,這也是缺席在南非舉行。

The third approach, termed phenomenology, attributes xenophobia not to economic strains or cultural divergence but to general attributes of society.第三種做法,被稱為現象學,屬性仇外心理的不經濟株或文化的分歧,但一般屬性的社會。 When society experiences deep crises, which occur intermittently, anomic tensions encroach upon social postures.當社會的經驗,深刻危機,這些危機發生間歇性, anomic的緊張局勢,侵犯社會的姿態。

This leads to a crisis of collective identity “so that the calm self-certainty which might enable unproblematic relations with the minorities gets lost”.這導致的危機,集體認同“ ,使平靜的自我肯定,這可能使不成問題的關係與少數獲得迷失” 。 Under this approach, xenophobia is interpreted as a way of reassuring the national self and its boundaries, as an attempt at making sense of the world in times of crisis.根據這一辦法,仇外心理是解釋為一種令人安心的民族自決和在其境內,作為一個企圖在決策的責任感,世界在發生危機的時候。 This could be happening to indigenous South Africans.這可能是發生在南非土著。

To start with, the impeding fallout between President Thabo Mbeki and Africa National Congress (ANC) leader Jacob Zuma could be disillusioning to many ordinary citizens of African descent.首先,阻礙塵之間的總統姆貝基和非洲國民大會(非國大)領袖祖馬可失望的許多普通公民,非洲人後裔。

Many of them subscribe to ANC with a passion yet they find themselves on the sidelines when major party decisions are being made.他們中的許多訂閱非國大與激情,但他們發現自己就在一旁當黨的決定,主要是正在取得進展。 At the same time, they have not benefited from the economic prosperity of their country.在同一時間內,他們並沒有受益於經濟繁榮,他們的國家。

Many South Africans still live in squalid conditions and the dream of land reform has turned into a pipe dream.許多南非人仍生活在骯髒的條件和夢想的土地,改革變成了夢想。 These issues run so deep in their collective psyche that they need reassurance of economic and social survival.這些問題來說,如此之深,在他們的集體心理,他們需要得到保證經濟和社會的生存。 But they are directing their anger at the wrong enemy.但他們指揮他們的憤怒在錯誤的敵人。

Many of the low class Zimbabweans, Malawians, Zambians and nationals of other countries are escaping economic hardship and political violence which South Africa has refused to acknowledge as a problem, especially in Zimbabwe.許多低階層的津巴布韋,馬拉維,贊比亞和其他國家的國民是擺脫經濟困境和政治暴力,南非拒不承認一個問題,尤其是在津巴布韋。

They should commit themselves to assisting them to the best of their capacity.他們應承諾,以協助他們盡其能力。 And this applies to other countries with a chance to host other Africans in need of refuge and sanctuary.這適用於其他國家的一個機會,主辦其他非洲人有需要的避難所和庇護所。

About The Author: Graeme Briggs -The writer is a Research Fellow at Institute of Anthropology, Gender and African Studies, 關於作者: 格雷米布里格斯 -作者是研究員在研究所的人類學,性別和非洲的研究, University of Nairobi 內羅畢大學

妖魔化其他: antisemitism ,種族主義和仇外心理(研究在antisemitism )

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Yes Africa Can: An African Talks To Barack Obama是非洲可以:一,非洲會談巴拉克奧巴馬

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What Barack Obama Can Do For Africa — and Vice Versa 巴拉克奧巴馬有什麼可以做,為非洲-反之亦然

The first time Barack Obama came home to his father’s village of Kogelo in western Kenya, it was as a 26-year-old backpacker exploring his family roots.第一時間巴拉克奧巴馬回家,以他父親的村kogelo在肯尼亞西部,這是作為一個今年26歲的背包,探索他的家人的根源。 In 1987, he and half-sister Auma rode a dilapidated old bus from Kisumu, the provincial capital, 60 miles away.在1987年,他和妹妹歐瑪乘坐一破舊的巴士從基蘇木,省省會, 60英里之外。 As they lurched along dirt roads, a couple of chickens nestled in Obama’s lap and mothers passed wet babies back and forth to the two young visitors.因為他們lurched沿土路上,一對夫婦的雞隻,坐落於奧巴馬的大腿和母親通過濕的嬰兒回到來回向兩位年輕的客人。

Obama spent his time in Kogelo, a small rural village where people grow maize and raise cows, getting to know his grandmother Sarah Hussein Obama and wandering the fields and dirt lanes his late father had walked as a boy and had returned to after separating from Obama’s mother, an American, when their son was just two…..[奧巴馬,他花時間在kogelo ,一個小鄉村,人們成長,玉米和提高奶牛,漸漸了解了他的祖母莎拉侯賽因奧巴馬和遊蕩的領域和污物通道,他已故的父親曾走過作為一名男童,並已返回後,脫離奧巴馬'的母親,一名美國人,當他們的兒子只是兩家… .. [ MORE ][ 更多情況 ] [ MORE VIDEO ] 更多的視頻 ]

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Bill Frist: ‘Democrats Win Landslide Victory’?比爾弗里斯特: '民主派贏得壓倒性勝利'嗎?

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From: Steve Hildebrand, 來自:史蒂夫希爾德布蘭德, BarackObama.com barackobama.com
Sat, May 31, 2008 at 12:22 PM 星期六, 2008年5月31日在下午12時22分

You’ll like this. 您一定會喜歡這一點。

截止日期:今晚午夜時分 This morning someone forwarded me an email sent by the arm of the Republican Party that raises money for their Senate candidates.今天上午有人轉交我的電子郵件發送臂的共和黨黨提出的錢為他們的參議院候選人。

The subject of the message was “Democrats Win Landslide Victory,” and the writer, Republican former Senator Bill Frist, admits: “I have a real fear of waking up to this headline after the elections this fall.”郵件的主題是“民主派贏得壓倒性勝利, ”和作家,共和黨前參議員比爾弗里斯特承認: “我有一個真正的恐懼喚醒這個標題選舉之後,今年秋天” 。

He goes on to explain fears among Washington power brokers about Barack Obama’s grassroots support and voter registration efforts.他接著解釋,擔心華盛頓的權力經紀約巴拉克奧巴馬的基層支持和選民登記的努力。

He’s right to be worried — we’re bringing new people into the process, and Obama supporters are organizing in communities across the country like never before.他的權利,擔心-我們帶來了新的人加入到進程,奧巴馬的支持者正在組織在社區的該國各地一樣,以前從未。

But it can’t happen without your support.但它並不能發生沒有你們的支持。 Frist was raising money ahead of tonight’s financial reporting deadline — the same deadline we face.弗里斯特是籌集資金,提前在今晚的財務報告的最後期限-在同一截止日期,我們面對的問題。

This is the last opportunity to have your donation counted for May, and the last chance to have a meaningful impact on the final three primary contests.這是最後的機會,有您的捐款算為可能,以及最後的機會,有一個有意義的影響就最後三個主要的競賽。

Make your donation of $25 count right now: 讓您捐贈25元計數的權利,現在: https://donate.barackobama.com/maydeadline 通過https : / / donate.barackobama.com / maydeadline

Here’sa little bit more from Frist’s email: 這裡多一點,由弗里斯特的電子郵件:

From: Senator Bill Frist, MD 來自:參議員比爾弗里斯特,醫學博士
Date: Thu, May 29, 2008 at 3:59 PM 日期:週四, 2008年5月29日在下午3時59分
Subject: “Democrats Win Landslide Victory” 主題: “民主派贏得壓倒性勝利” 。

Dear Republican Supporter ,親愛的共和黨的支持者

I have a real fear of waking up to this headline after the elections this fall.我有一個真正的恐懼喚醒這個標題選舉之後,今年秋天上市。 [...] [ … … ]

In key states, news accounts indicate Democrats are outpacing Republicans registering voters.在關鍵州,新聞帳目顯示,民主派人士超過共和黨選民登記。 We also know Barack Obama’s campaign is utilizing the Internet to raise record amounts of money to support his campaign and Democrats nationally … all in the hope that new voters and record resources will produce a Democrat landslide victory this fall.我們也知道,巴拉克奧巴馬的運動是利用互聯網提高記錄大量的金錢來支持他的競選和民主國家信息…所有在希望新登記選民和記錄資源將產生壓倒性勝利,民主黨在今年秋天。
There’s so much at risk, and conservatives I talk with from all across the country are feeling the rumblings of “what could be.” [...]有這麼多的風險,和保守派我所說與從全國各地的國家是感覺rumblings “什麼是可以” [ … … ]

[...] I ask for your immediate help in supporting Republican candidates running for US Senate by making a contribution of $10, $25, $50 or even $100 to the NRSC. [ … … ]我想請問您的即時幫助,支持共和黨候選人競選美國參議院作出的貢獻, 10元, 25元, 50元,甚至100元到nrsc 。 [...] [ … … ]

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What’s amazing about this message referencing Barack Obama is that it’s not from the McCain campaign.有什麼了不起的關於這個訊息參照巴拉克奧巴馬的是,它不是從麥凱恩運動。 It’s not even about the presidential race.它甚至沒有關於總統競選。

It’s about the forces of the status quo, who don’t want to change the way Washington works, worried about the prospect of ordinary people taking their rightful place in a political process that is too often dominated by lobbyists and special interests.它的左右力量的現狀,誰不想方式的轉變,華盛頓工程,擔心的前景,一般人以應有的位置,在一個政治進程,這是往往為主導的說客和特殊利益。

They’ve seen the writing on the wall, and they know that when Barack is the nominee, we’re going to continue building a movement for change to elect Barack Obama and bring about change from the bottom up at every level of office.他們已經看到了寫作上牆,他們知道,當巴拉克是被提名人,我們將繼續建設運動,改變選舉巴拉克奧巴馬帶來變革,從下往上的每一個層次上辦公室。

There are only a few hours left before tonight’s reporting deadline, so please give whatever you can now:目前只有幾個小時,離開前,今晚的報告的最後期限,所以請給予無論現在,您可以:
https://donate.barackobama.com/maydeadline 通過https : / / donate.barackobama.com / maydeadline

Thank you,謝謝您,

Steve Hildebrand 史蒂夫希爾德布蘭德
Deputy Campaign Manager 副競選經理
Obama for America 奧巴馬,為美國

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Yes Africa Can: An African talks to Barack Obama 是非洲可以:一,非洲會談巴拉克奧巴馬

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