Poet Aime Cesaire 诗人玛奈克瑟塞尔
Poet诗人 Aime Cesaire 玛奈克瑟塞尔 of Martinique passed away last week.马提尼克岛的去世上周。 He was an iconic co-founder of Black consciousness, long before他是一个标志性的共同创始人黑色意识，早 Steve Biko 史蒂夫biko . 。

Surprisingly, of all the non-French speaking African heads of state, only South Africa’s奇怪的是，所有非讲法语的非洲国家元首中，只有南非的 Thabo Mbeki 塔博姆贝基 sent a message of condolences to the Cesaire family.发出了一个信息的哀悼，向瑟塞尔家庭。

Why the silence? 为何沉默？

In the realm of ideas, Mbeki has been particularly adept at provoking public debates.在境界的思想，姆贝基总统已特别善于挑起的公开辩论。 He did so in 1996 when, as the country’s vice president, he stood before the South African Parliament and proclaimed: “ I am an African “.他这样做是在1996年时，作为国家的副总统，他站在前，南非议会并宣布： “ 我是非洲 ” 。 Shortly thereafter, he launched an equally vibrant discourse on African Renaissance.此后不久，他发起了一项同样充满活力的话语对非洲的复兴。 Two years ago, he raised issues relating to Afrocentricism.两年前，他提出的有关问题afrocentricism 。 It dominated public interest for months.它主导的公共利益为个月。

It would have been ridiculous for any other African president to stand before his Parliament and declare to be African.它将已荒谬的任何其他非洲总统的立场之前，他的议会，并宣布将非洲。

In White-ruled SA, however, indoctrination against Africa was so thorough that countless Black South Africans believed that Africanness was something to be scorned.在白色统治股份有限公司，不过，灌输对非洲是如此彻底，无数南非黑人认为， africanness有些被鄙视。 Even after political liberation, it was necessary to keep reminding them that they were indeed Africans – that South Africa is part of Africa.即使在政治解放，有必要不断提醒他们，他们的确是非洲人-，南非是非洲的一部分。 Hence the imperative for Mbeki’s proclamation: “I am an African”.因此，有必要为姆贝基总统的宣布： “我是非洲” 。

Evidently, it was part of Mbeki’s unwritten job description to confront the arrogance of Eurocentricism by affirming the validity of Africanness.很明显，这是一部分，姆贝基总统的不成文的职位描述对抗的嚣张气焰， eurocentricism申明的有效性africanness 。 This preoccupation thrust him into the world of ideas regarding African identity.这关注的重点，他融入世界的想法关于非洲的身份。 In this course, it was inevitable to encounter the ideas of Cesaire, hence, Mbeki’s affection for the great poet.在这一过程中，这是无可避免的会遇到的思想瑟塞尔，因此，姆贝基总统的感情，为伟大的诗人。

In context of colonialism, English-speaking global Africa was dominated by political means. 在上下文中的殖民主义，以英语为母语的非洲是全球主导的政治手段。

British form of colonialism involved actual control, direct or indirect.英国的殖民主义形式所涉及的实际控制，直接或间接的。 This systems denigrated Africans, it was perceived as racist and English-speaking Africans transformed their anti-racist sentiments into political movements that revolted and brought about independence to Africa.这个系统的诋毁非洲人，它被视为种族主义和以英语为母语的非洲人转化为他们的反种族主义情绪，演变成政治运动，反抗和独立所带来的非洲。

Conversely, the French colonial policy was based on assumption of French cultural superiority.相反，法国殖民政策是基于假设，法国文化的优越性。 Black French colonies responded culturally by questioning the cultural condescension of assimilation.黑色法国殖民地文化回应质疑condescension文化的同化。 To challenge the arrogance, they embarked upon romanticising blackness and its attributes.挑战的嚣张气焰，他们开始romanticising黑和它的属性。

It was at the early stages of this process that Cesaire coined the term negritude.这是在早期阶段，这个过程中瑟塞尔创造的任期negritude 。 Leopold Senghor, Senegal’s founding-president, later expanded the view intellectually and popularised it.利奥波德桑戈尔，塞内加尔的开国总统，后来又扩展的看法，智力和广为流行。

Assimilated Black French-speaking intellectuals in France in the 1930s encouraged themselves to ask, are we really French?同化黑色讲法语的知识分子在法国于20世纪30年代鼓励自己要问，我们是否真的法语？ The answer was clear: “We have never been French, we are not French and we shall never be French”.答案是明确的： “我们从来没有法语，我们是不是法国人，我们永远不得法语” 。

While at first they had been so proud to be assimilated, they now declared war on the same assimilation policy.而在第一，他们一直引以为傲的被同化，他们现在的宣战就同一同化政策。 By the late 1950s, they were demanding political independence from France in order to safeguard their culture, their negritude.由50年代后期起，他们要求政治独立，由法国，为了维护他们的文化，他们的negritude 。

The bid to enhance Africa as a maker of history, Afro-centricity, has taken two forms.申办，以加强非洲作为一个制造商的历史，非洲裔为中心，采取了两种形式。 The first is Gloriana Afro-centricity that emphasises the great and proud accomplishments of people of African ancestry.首先是gloriana非裔为中心强调指出，伟大和自豪的成绩，人民的非裔。 These embrace castle builders, those who built the walls of Zimbabwe or the castles of Gondar in India or the sunken churches of Lalibela in Ethiopia; many would include those who built the pyramids of Egypt as well.这些怀抱青山的建设者，这些是谁的墙壁，津巴布韦或城堡贡德尔在印度或沉没的教堂在埃塞俄比亚拉利贝拉;很多人会包括那些谁建造了金字塔的埃及，以及。

The other is Proletariana Afro-centricity that emphasises the sweat of Africa’s brow, the captured African as a co-builder of modern civilisation - the enslaved as creator, the slave as innovator.另一种是proletariana非裔为中心认为，强调的汗水非洲的眉，被抓获的非洲作为一个合作的建设者现代文明-被奴役，作为创作者，作为奴隶的革新者。 Slaves helped build the industrial revolution in the western world and fuelled capitalist transformation of the northern hemisphere.奴隶，帮助建立了工业革命在西方世界和燃料的资本主义转型的北半球。

What about the colonised peoples, as victims and builders of the industrialised modern world?对于殖民地的人民，作为受害者和建设者的工业化现代世界呢？ African resources have been used for factories that have transformed the contemporary world.非洲的资源，已用于工厂已转型，当代世界。 Without those resources today’s global economy would be vastly different.如果没有这些资源，当今的全球经济将大不相同。

Negritude is a kind of proletarian Afro-centricity, at least when it indulges in romantic primitivism. negritude是一种无产阶级非裔为中心，至少当它indulges在浪漫的原始。 Negritude salutes the African cattle herder not the African castle builder. negritude致敬非洲牛赫尔德没有非洲城堡建设者。 To that extent, it is part of Afro-centricity Proletariana.在这方面，这是一部分非洲人为中心proletariana 。

About The Author(s): Ali Mazrui and James N Kariuki — Prof. Ali Mazrui is Chancellor of 关于作者（ ） ： 阿里mazrui和詹姆斯n kariuki -教授阿里m azrui是校长的 Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture乔莫肯雅塔农业大学 , Kenya. ，肯尼亚。 James N. Kariuki is head of the African Diaspora Unit at the詹姆斯12月31日kariuki主管非洲人散居单位在 Africa Institute of South Africa非洲研究所南非 in Pretoria.在比勒陀利亚。

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