Great Britain ruled parts of the Caribbean twice as long in duration as she ruled much of Africa. 伟大的英国统治的部分加勒比地区的两倍,只要在时间,因为她排除在非洲大部分地区。
When Kenya became a British colony, Britain had already been ruling Jamaica for more than two centuries.当肯尼亚成为英国殖民地,英国已经执政牙买加两个多世纪。 Indeed, when Jomo Kenyatta was born in the 1890s Kenya was not yet a crown colony.事实上,当乔莫肯雅塔出生于19世纪90年代肯尼亚尚未直辖殖民地。 Yet, when he died in 1978 Kenya had ceased to be a British colony.然而,当他死于1978年,肯尼亚已不再是一个英国的殖民地。 Kenyatta had lived right through the country’s entire colonial period.肯雅塔生活的权利,通过国家的整个殖民时期的产物。 He survived British rule by 15 years, having ruled Kenya himself as its first post-colonial President.他存活在英国统治15年后,裁定,肯尼亚自己作为其第一个后殖民主席。
While British rule in Kenya was a matter of a single lifetime, British rule in Jamaica traversed the reigns of about 10 British monarchs.而在英国统治在肯尼亚的一个问题是一个单一的一生中,英国统治在牙买加走过时期约10英国君主。 By any measure, therefore, Jamaica and much of the British West Indies were more deeply Anglicised than Kenya was.以任何标准来衡量,因此,牙买加和大部分的英属西印度群岛人更深刻地anglicised比肯尼亚的。 But since independence is the Caribbean getting de-Anglicised?但自独立以来,是加勒比地区获得德- anglicised ? If so, what are the causes?若有,是什么原因呢?
A number of factors may have contributed to such a process of post-colonial de-Anglicisation.多项因素影响,可能促成这样一个过程后殖民德- anglicisation 。 One is the surprising phenomenon of Britain’s cultural abdication.一个是不足为奇的现象,英国的文化退位。 This is in sharp contrast to the missionary zeal of the French in the realm of culture.这是形成鲜明对比的传教热情,法国在该领域的文化。 British commitment to cultural diplomacy is much weaker than that of France-both in Africa and the Caribbean.英国的承诺,文化外交是弱得多,比法国的,无论是在非洲和加勒比地区。
The United Kingdom spends the equivalent of only a fraction of the French budget for cultural diplomacy.联合王国花费相当于只有一小部分,法国预算的文化外交。 The very success of the English language globally has reduced Britain’s need to promote the language in other lands.非常成功的英语语言在全球范围已减少英国的需要,以促进语言在其他的土地上。 That there is an English-speaking power mightier than Britain (the United States) also helped to dwarf Britain’s cultural role in promoting Anglo-Saxon culture.有一个以英语为母语的权力mightier比英国(美国) ,也有助于矮英国的文化的推动作用盎格鲁撒克逊文化。
The French language, on the other hand, is on the defensive against the devastating competition of Anglo-American cultural and linguistic expansionism.法国的语言,另一方面,是关于防御对破坏性的竞争,英美文化和语言的扩张。 There is no French-speaking super power the equivalent of the United States.有没有讲法语的超级权力,相当于美国。 France tries to play the cultural roles of both Britain and the United States.法国试图发挥文化的作用,英国和美国。
But the United States is itself another reason British influence in the Caribbean continues to decline.但美国本身的另一个原因,英国的影响,在加勒比地区继续下降。 In the post-colonial era, the sheer proximity and size of the United States have been felt more directly than was possible under British imperial rule.在后殖民地时代,纯粹的接近和大小,美国一直认为,更直接,较有可能在英国帝国统治。
American investment, American tourism, American television programmes, American goods and services, and even Caribbean membership of the Organisation of American States, have all played their part in tilting the balance towards Americanisation in the Caribbean experience.美国投资,美国旅游,美国的电视节目,美国的商品和服务,甚至加勒比成员的美洲国家组织,都发挥了他们的一部分,在倾斜的平衡对americanisation在加勒比地区的经验。
Then there is the phenomenon of American education as compared with the old colonial infatuation with the prestige of British education.然后是有现象,美国教育相比,与旧殖民地的痴迷与威信,英式教育。 There was a time when West Indians and Africans asked themselves whether being educated in the US was a more radicalising experience than being educated in Great Britain.曾经有一段时间,当西方的印度人和非洲人问自己是否受教育,在美国是一个较为radicalising经验比受教育在英国。
In the first half of the 20th Century the evidence seemed to support that proposition.在第一次20世纪上半叶的证据似乎支持这一主张。 Kwame Nkrumah was mainly educated in the US; his rival in Ghana, Kofi Busia, was educated in Great Britain.夸梅恩克鲁玛,主要是教育,在美国;他的对手在加纳的科菲布西亚,教育,在伟大的英国。 Nkrumah captured the torch of radical nationalism, while Busia moved to the right.恩克鲁玛抓获的火炬,激进民族主义,而布西亚迁移到正确的。
In Nigeria, the younger Nnamdi Azikiwe (Zik) was the voice of nationalist militancy.在尼日利亚,年轻nnamdi azikiwe ( zik )的声音,民族主义的好战。 He was American educated.他是美国的教育。 The leading British-educated Nigerians in the 1940s and even the 1950s were mainly to Zik’s right ideologically.领导英国教育的尼日利亚人在20世纪40年代乃至20世纪50年代,主要是zik的权利,在思想上。
If it was true that American education in the first half of the 20th Century was a more radicalising experience for Africans and West Indians than was British education, what were the reasons at that time?如果这是真的,美国的教育在上半年, 20世纪是一个较为radicalising的经验,为非洲人和西印度人比的是英国教育,原因何在在那个时间呢?
One factor in the first half of the century was that the United States was not only a much more racist society than Great Britain but American racism at the time was still highly institutionalised.其中一个因素,在本世纪上半叶是,美国不仅是一个更为种族主义社会的伟大超过英国,但美国的种族主义在时间仍是高度制度化。 African and Caribbean students in the United States were therefore more subject to racial humiliation and harassment than their counterparts in the United Kingdom.非洲和加勒比地区的学生,在美国,因此更受到种族歧视的屈辱和骚扰,比他们的同行在联合王国。 African and Caribbean students in American colleges were as a result more liable to get radicalised in response.非洲和加勒比地区的学生在美国大学被作为一个结果,更容易得到激进的回应。
Also contributing to this radicalisation was African and Caribbean intermingling with Black Americans and being exposed to a more intense pan-African experience.也有助于这个激进是非洲和加勒比交织与美国黑人和接触到一个更激烈的泛非经验。 Indeed, African students in the first half of the 20th C moved even further to the left.事实上,非洲学生在上半年的20 c动议,甚至进一步向左边。
Middle class Caribbean Blacks could go either way when highly educated.中产阶层加勒比黑人能去无论哪种方式时,高学历。 They could move more decisively to the left (going even Marxist) or become more eloquent defenders of the capitalist status quo.他们可以提出更果断地向左侧(去,甚至马克思主义) ,或变得更加雄辩地捍卫资本主义的现状。 Less privileged Caribbean Blacks educated in the United States were more likely to go nationalist rather than socialist — often emphasising race rather than class, although their own origins were often rooted in class disadvantages.少特权加勒比黑人的教育,在美国更可能去的民族主义,而非社会主义-往往强调种族,而非阶级,虽然他们自己的起源,往往植根于工人阶级的弊端。
By the second half of the 20th Century some of the most eloquent voices of the socialist left in Commonwealth Caribbean were British educated.由第二二十世纪上半叶的一些最有说服力的声音社会主义留在英联邦加勒比被英国受过教育。 Even Eric Williams of Trinidad was initially a product of British leftism.甚至埃里克威廉斯特立尼达和多巴哥最初的产物,英国左。
George Padmore flirted with communism.乔治帕德莫尔flirted与共产主义。 And CLR James was both highly anglicised and highly leftist to the end of his days when he was nearly 90.和CLR詹姆斯都高度anglicised和高度左派到去年底,他的天,当他接近90 。
Today, more and more positions in journalism, the bureaucracy, politics and education are gradually occupied by the ‘Americanised’ West Indians.今天,越来越多的职位,在新闻,官僚主义,政治和教育正在逐步占领的' americanised '西印度人。
The statistics are shifting in favour of the American educated.统计数字是转移在赞成美国的教育。 But in reality they are only narrowing the gap between them and the more influential British-educated.但在现实中他们只是缩小两者之间的差距和更有影响力的英国教育。 The de-Anglicisation of the Caribbean has not yet gone far enough to dethrone the Anglophiles in the Commonwealth Caribbean completely.该德- anglicisation的加勒比地区尚未远远不够的击垮了anglophiles在英联邦加勒比完全。
Afterall, Michael Manley in power was more prominent than Edward Seaga was in office.毕竟,迈克尔曼利在权力更加突出的比何承天SEAGA的是在办公室。 Manley symbolised Anglophilia; Seaga was a product of Pax-Americana.曼利象征着anglophilia ; SEAGA的是一个产品的治下的和平-美洲。
For the products of the American experience it is still too early for them to celebrate the following: The stream of experience meanders on in the vast expanse of Caribbean time.为产品的美国的经验,这是仍言之尚早为他们庆祝如下:流的经验, meanders上,在广阔的加勒比时间。 The new will come and the old be gone.新来的老了。 Let’s toast the fortunes of changing clime.让我们举杯的命运改变clime 。
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