A Report by the United Nations Development Programme released in May 2011 revealed that the world’s 48 Least Developed Countries (LDCs) of which 33 are in sub Saharan Africa, 14 in Asia and 1 in Latin America and the Caribbean, illegally transferred a net capital of about US$197 billion mainly to the developed world between 1990-2008. During this period, all the 48 LDCs received about US$118 in remittances and about US$94 billion in new loans, Foreign Direct Investments (FDIs) and other related capital inflows while they paid back US$162 billion in debt services leaving them with net capital inflows of US$50 billion. However, this was sharply offset by a gross massive illicit capital flight estimated to be about US$246 billion for the period stated. This could have wiped out the entire LDC debt of about US$155 billion in 2009 with over US$91 billion being saved for investment in economic development.
These illicit financial flows involve the cross boarder transfer of the proceeds of corruption mainly by local kleptocracies; trade in contraband goods and criminal activities by local households and businesses; and tax evasion mainly by multinational corporations.
The Report identifies three major drivers of illicit capital flows from LDCs. Macroeconomic drivers, structural challenges and overall governance. Macroeconomic factors such as high fiscal deficit, high and volatile inflation rates, overvalued real effective exchange rates, negative real interest rates, low real GDP growth and high indebtedness are believed to positively contribute to higher illicit capital flows. So do structural weaknesses such as growing income inequality, increasing trade openness without adequate regulatory oversight, as well as, poor overall governance including corruption, inimical business climate, prevalence of the shadow economy and political instability.
The Report emphasizes further that the illicit capital flows from the LDCs vary both by region and structural characteristics. The following section describes the regional pattern of such flows.
The Regional Pattern of Illicit Capital Flows
Regionally, about 69% of the total illicit capital flows originates from the 33 LDCs in sub Saharan Africa while about 29% originates from the 14 Asian LDCs. Latin America and the Caribbean contribute the remaining 2%. Among the top ten exporters of illicit capital, 6 countries belong to Africa while 4 belong to Asia. One of the poorest countries in Asia, Bangladesh is the world’s top exporter of the illicit capital with the cumulative outflow of US$ 34.8 billion followed closely by Angola, Africa’s second largest oil reducer, with a cumulative outflow of US$34 billion during 1990-2008. This accounted for about 11% and 3.4% of Angola’s and Bangladesh’s GDP during the period respectively.
The Report indicates that trade mispricing accounts for about 65-70% of the illicit capital flows from all LDCs while unrecorded leakages from the balance of payment accounts for the remainder. The Report stresses further that in countries with weak overall governance, i.e. high corruption, and low transparency and accountability, trade mispricing increases with increasing trade volume exacerbating further the illicit capital outflows.
Structural characteristics such as being landlocked or small island nation LDC does not necessary imply higher illicit capital outflows.
Illicit Capital outflows from sub Saharan Africa
The 33 LDCs from the world’s least developed continent, Africa, exported a net illicit capital of US$135 billion to the developed world during 1990-2008 alone. And previous estimates suggest that the African continent as a whole had exported roughly about US$1.8 trillion in illicit capital outflows during the past 50 years while it received roughly about US$ 1 trillion in all forms of international capital inflows. Africa therefore was a net exporter of roughly US$ 0.8 trillion during the past half century. This massive loss of capital to the rest of the world explains why the continent remained the poorest and the least developed region in the world. After over 50 years of decolonization Africa’s resources continue to fuel development in advanced economies, while the owners of the resources on the continent, the broad masses, continue to languish under perpetual poverty.
The six countries in Africa which are among the top ten exporters of illicit capital include: Angola (US$34 billion), Lesotho (US$16.8 billion), Chad (US$15.4 billion), Uganda (US$8.8 billion), Ethiopia (US$8.4 billion), Zambia (US$6.8 billion) and Sudan (US$6.7 billion). It is saddening to observe that a small, land locked country of Lesotho with a total population of about 2 million lost a staggering amount of capital totaling US$16.8 billion in illicit capital outflows during the past 19 years. Equally astonishing is the size of the illegal capital flight from Ethiopia, the country often regarded as one of the poorest countries in the world in terms of per capita income, although the size of its GDP ranks it as the 86th biggest economy in the word.
Ethiopia cannot afford to export US$8.4 billion illegally aboard while the country is unable to feed close to 5 million of its citizens every year bad weather befalls on it.
Angola, Chad, Zambia and Sudan’s size of illicit capital flight is a symptomatic of the natural resource curse and reflect the need for the governments to take urgent actions to improve transparency in their extractive industries.
Other net exporters of illicit capital from sub Saharan Africa include Equatorial Guinea (US$6.5 billion), Liberia (US$5.8 billion), Guinea (US$4.9 billion), Malawi (US$4.2 billion), Djibouti (US$3.9 billion), Mozambique (US$3.8 billion), Madagascar (US$3.7 billion), Congo Democratic Republic (US$3.5 billion), Burkina Faso (US$ 2.9 billion), Tanzania (US$2.3 billion), Sierra Leone (US$2.1 billion), Mali (US$1.7 billion), Gambia (US$1.6 billion), Rwanda (US$1.6 billion), Central African Republic (US$ 1 billion), Niger (US$1 billion), Burundi (US$ 969 million), Guinea Bissau (US$847 million), Togo (US$ 678 million), Mauritania (US$ 428 million), Senegal (US$ 334 million), Benin (US$264 million), Comoros (US$ 154 million), Sao Tome and Principe (US$142 million), and Eritrea (US$118 million).
Equatorial Guinea, one of the largest oil producers in Africa, is in fact not a least developed country in terms of the size of its GDP per capita. With GDP per capita of over US$ 16000, it is the only non-OECD high income country in Africa. However, due to weak overall governance that resulted in illicit capital outflows of over US$6.5 billion over the past 19 years, among other things, nearly 77% of its citizens live under abject poverty. Equatorial Guinea is not even a member of Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative while other countries such as Liberia and Mozambique are making necessary efforts to improve transparency and accountability in the use of revenues from natural resources.
The preceding figures of net illicit capital outflows from the world’s least developed countries partly explain why these countries remained poor. The constant rhetoric of aid and FDI to Africa is nothing more than a cheap political propaganda. Poor countries like Ethiopia and Lesotho have been subsidizing economies of the developed nations for the past 50 years at the expense of millions of their own citizens who go to bed every day without a single meal.
It is now abundantly clear that the west not only cannot save Africa, to use the wise words of Professor William Easterly, but in fact is helping the kleptocraceis to kill the continent’s people by facilitating the robbery of its meager resources.
Concluding remarks
In spite of continued inflows of aid, foreign direct investments and remittances, the least developed countries of the world continue to be the net exporters of capital to the developed world which denies them crucial resources needed to provide jobs, alleviate poverty and enhance economic development. Cross border illicit outflows of proceeds of corruption by African kleptocracies, contraband trade and criminal economic activities by households and businesses and tax evasion by multinational corporations fueled by structural weaknesses, macroeconomic instability and poor overall governance by the least developed countries led to loss of nearly US$ 200 billion in net capital during the past 19 years. This could have wiped out the entire LDC debt stock of about US$155 billion estimated in 2009 leaving billions of net resources for further investment.
Africa is the hardest hit with nearly 70% of the stated net capital loss originating from the LDCs in sub Saharan Africa.
The UNDP report on illicit capital flows shed new light on challenges of underdevelopment in LDCS and particularly in Africa. The fundamental challenge for the LDCs in Africa and elsewhere is to put effective measures in place to improve overall governance including democratization, fighting corruption and improving transparency and accountability in the generation and use of revenues from natural and other resources, promoting inclusive economic growth, ensuring macroeconomic stability and implementing effective mechanism for trade regulation.
The proliferation of free trade areas with neighbors or the west will not bring sustainable development if the bulk of locally mobilized resources continue to be lost in illicit outflows due to unregulated open trade.
Neither will tax holidays for few FDIs. Continued provisions of tax holidays for multinationals would result in double loss of capital if there is no effective mechanism to control tax evasion by those who have already graduated from the incentives.
The developed world would help the LDCs escape from the vicious circle of poverty not by promising more aid, and technical assistance but by closing down the offshore capital safe havens most notably the Swiss Banks which have continued to gladly receive stolen funds from the Africa’s hungry people.
And it is only when Africans stop stealing from their own poor and the west stops aiding and abating the kleptocracies and be part of the process that the least developed countries will ever develop.
References
UNDP: Illicit Financial Flows from the Least Developed Countries: 1990-2008. Discussion paper: May 2011
By: Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis [ Enlarge ] Continuing the series of articles on the insightful documentation provided by the Russian Military Officer, Explorer, and Orthodox Monk in his books about his deeds and excursions, observations and explorations in Abyssinia (undertaken over three years 1896 — 1899), I herewith republish a third part from his second book titled “With the Armies of Menelik II”; the part covers the Kingdom of “Kaffa”.
In this unit, there are many mistakes and misperceptions in non descriptive parts of Bulatovich’s text; the Kaffa are not Semitic and they never amalgamated with any Semitic tribes and peoples, who never inhabited Africa — with the exception of the Abyssinians. But the times of Bulatovich were characterized by a Pan-Semitic delusion of many Orientalists who acted not as free scholars dedicated to the search of Truth, but under full Freemasonic and Zionist guidance in order to deceive the global academic community and promote the political interests of the Freemasonic, Zionist, colonial powers, namely England and France.
Every effort undertaken by Bulatovich in order to associate Kaffa words to Abyssinian vocabulary is a failed attempt of etymology. It was due to Abyssinian misinformation, and to the aforementioned Pan-Semitic trend of those days. Useless to add that the term Hamito-Semitic languages simply does not exist; like the other, most recent, falsehood of ‘Afro-Asiatic’ languages, it was created in order to promote the Pan-Semitic (Pan-Freemasonic and Pan-Zionist) fallacy and to subordinate the Hamitic and Kushitic families of nations and peoples to the Freemasonic — Zionist version of History.
In this part, Bulatovich offers a superb insightful into the last moments of the great African Kingdom of Kaffa which was destroyed in the evil process of colonial expansion, and due to the criminal alliance of the barbarous, alien and incestuous Amhara Abyssinians with the English and the French who provided the monstrous Amhara gangsters with the arms needed to exterminate the Kushitic African kingdoms of the Oromos, the Afars, the Sidamas, the Kaffas, and others. Through Bulatovich’s narrative, the noblesse and the genuine royalty of Chenito, last Kaffa King, appear in striking contrast with the lewd, vulgar and disreputable attitude, behaviour and mind of the non African Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians (although Bulatovich is relatively favorable to the latter due to the political interests he served).
The barbaric act of invasion and destruction of the Kaffa Kingdom is a sacrilege for which the Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians will pay dearly and up to extreme regret. But what awaits them is far worse that the genocide they appallingly and inhumanly applied to the Kaffa nation over the past 110 years.
The liberation of Kaffa, Sidama, Oromia, Ogaden, Afar Land and all the other subjugated and tyrannized Kushitic and Nilo-Saharan nations will herald the final and irrevocable dissolution of the incestuous Amhara society, thus putting an end to Africa’s most cannibalistic shame.
In several forthcoming articles, I will publish other parts of Bulatovich’s second book, and in addition, I will extensively comment on parts of his first book (notably History, Religion, Conclusion).
All the Oromos, Ogadenis, Afars, Sidamas and others, who fight for their independence, and all the neighboring countries, not only Egypt and Sudan but also Somalia and Eritrea, which are threatened because of the evil, eschatological dreams of Greater Ethiopia, must study, understand and diffuse the insightful documentation available in the two books, which were published by the Russian explorer before 110 years; in and by itself, this documentation constitutes good reason for the world to be preoccupied with the source of every regional trouble and instability: the Amhara and Tigray (Tewahedo) Monophysitic Abyssinians who rule tyrannically over the lands they invaded and the nations they subjugated.
Ethiopia through Russian Eyes
An eye-witness account of the end of an era, 1896-98 consisting of two books by Alexander Bulatovich:
Journal of an expedition from Ethiopia to Lake Rudolf
By Alexander K. Bulatovich
With four diagrams, three maps, and 78 photographs by the author and Lieutenant Davydov; Saint Petersburg, “Artistic Press” Publishing House, 28 Angliyskiy St., 1900, 271 pages
Published with permission of the Military Science Committee of the Chief of Staff
Reissued in 1971 as part of the volume With the Armies of Menelik II, edited by I. S. Katsnelson of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the U.S.S.R. “Science” Publishing House Chief Editorial Staff of Oriental Literature Moscow 1971.
Translated by Richard Seltzer
III. Kaffa
Kaffa is located on the middle part on the eastern and western spurs of a mountain range that serves as the watershed between the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea.30 The elevation of the mountain range makes Kaffa open to the southwest and northwest winds, which bring it abundant rain periodically twice a year (in February to March and August to September). However, rain also falls often the rest of the year, and in all of Ethiopia Kaffa is the place with the greatest abundance of precipitation. They never have droughts here like those in the northern part of the Ethiopian highlands. The rivers are exceptional for having such an abundance of water, and Kaffa itself is covered with rich vegetation. To the east from the mountain ridge flow the rivers Gojeb, Adiya, Gumi, Wosh and others which flow into the Omo, and from the western slopes the Menu, Bako, Baro and others, which serve as tributaries f the Juba or the Sobat.31 All the numerous rivers are fed by a countless number of streams and small brooks that start in the main mountain range and its spurs. The water basin, serving as excellent irrigation, is distributed evenly across the whole expanse of Kaffa, which benefits the fertility of its soil, the like of which I have never seen. The moderate elevation of Kaffa above sea level — on the average not higher than 2,000 meters and not lower than 1,600 meters — also has a favorable influence on vegetation. However, separate summits, like Gida-Shonga, Gonga-Beke, Bacha-aki-Kila, Geshe, attain an elevation of 3,000 meters.
In the middle of rich black earth, clay is encountered in places. Whatever space is entirely free of cultivation is covered with forest, which grows amazingly fast and mightily. Just neglect some plot of ground, and in two to three years it turns into an impassable thicket. Here man must fight with the forest like those who live bordering on deserts must fight with sands covering the land.
The predominant kind of rock is a red porous sandstone. One rarely comes across granite.
With such an abundance of forests, one might presume that the country is likewise rich in their usual inhabitants — wild animals. However, there are almost no predatory species of animals here (which is explained by the standard of culture of the country and its former density of population). You rarely encounter wild goats, antelope, or chamois; and only in the crown forest reserves are buffalo and elephant found. It is strictly forbidden to hunt them. There are also very few birds in Kaffa. I never heard a single song-bird. They say that predatory birds appeared only recently, with the arrival of the Abyssinians.
Related to the Abyssinians and similar to them, the populace of Kaffa, represents a mixture of the tribes which originally inhabited Ethiopia with Semites.
Undoubtedly, the percentage of Semitic blood in the Kaffas is less than that in the Abyssinians. However, all Kaffa people are not all of the same type. Rather, there are two varieties of Kaffa: the type which is purest and close to the Abyssinians — their aristocracy; and the lowest class of the populace — descendants of slaves from all the neighboring tribes, who resemble on the surface the Sidamo people, having mixed the least with other offspring of the generation of the original inhabitants of Ethiopia.32
Until recently, Kaffa was still a powerful southern Ethiopian empire; but in 1897, it was conquered by Abyssinia.
It is very difficult to reconstruct the history of Kaffa since, aside from several legends, there are almost no data. From Abyssinian sources it is known that the Ethiopian Empire was powerful, Kaffa formed with it one indivisible whole.
By legend, Kaffa was conquered in the fifteenth century by Atye (Emperor) Zara Yakob. The name of “Kaffa” is attributed to him. After his death, one of the sons of the Ethiopian emperor reigned in Kaffa.33 Under Lyb-na-Dyngyl or David II, the king of Kaffa was considered the first vassal of the emperor of Ethiopia. At times when the King of Kaffa visited the court of the Emperor, he was shown the greatest honor: the Emperor himself went to meet him and the King of Kaffa sat on the right side of the throne.
The invasion of the Gallas and the wars of Gran (sixteenth century) separated Kaffa from the rest of Abyssinia and for many centuries isolated it. Because of this, Kaffa preserved domestic and cultural relationships in the same form as there were when the Galla invasion occurred. However, much was lost, including the Christian faith, which they had professed before the invasion, and literacy.
Populated by a strong people, imbued with love for their fatherland and an enterprising, war-like spirit, occupying an advantageous central position, protected by forests and mountains, Kaffa subdued the neighboring states, and formed out of them a powerful southern Ethiopian empire, known formerly under the general name of Kaffa. This empire included the following six main vassal kingdoms: Jimma, Kulo, Konta, Koshya, Mocha and Enareya.
Jimma was populated by Gallas. In Enareya, also known as Lima, lived tribes which were a mixture of Gallas with the original inhabitants of the country34 (kindred of the Kaffa). Mocha has the same origin as the Kaffa. In the kingdoms of Kulo, Konta and Koshya kindred tribes live, who are very similar in type, having a common language, culture and customs. Explorers of Africa called these people “Sidamo.” (This name is unknown to themselves.) I will adhere to this nomenclature.35
These subdued lands, however, did not lose their independence: Kaffa did not interfere in their internal affairs, demanding only payment of tribute and acknowledgment of their suzerainty. At the time of the death of Zara Yakob, his dynasty ruled in Kaffa. The kings of Kaffa — tato (from the word atye — “emperor” in Abyssinian) — styled themselves as Kings of Kaffa and Enareya. But discord, the time of which is difficult to determine even approximately, led to separation of their thrones. The ancient dynasty of Zara Yakob remained in Enareya, while in Kaffa the house of Manjo reigned. The disintegration of the empire did not destroy the ties between both states. On visiting Kaffa, the King of Enareya received honors even greater than its own ruler: for instance, the King of Kaffa rose to meet his guest and had his guest sit with him on the throne to the right side.
After Enareya was subdued by the Limu Galla tribe, it lost its significance, having been made subject to the Galla prince who conquered it. But the dynasty of the king of Enareya continued to exist up until recent times, and up until the very end of the independent existence of Kaffa, Kaffa showed the kings of Enareya royal honors.
The dynasty of Manjo, apparently, does not differ from Kaffa in its governmental structure nor in court etiquette: as they are written in the ancient Abyssinian books Kobyra Negest, so exactly they remain. In its structure, culture, and class distinctions, Kaffa is indebted entirely to Abyssinia.36 At the head of state stood the autocratic tato (king, emperor), who had unlimited authority. His person was considered holy and inviolable. He surrounded himself with great honors and was inaccessible for his subjects. At his court, the strictest etiquette was observed. With the exception of his seven advisors and several retainers, none of his subjects dared look their sovereign in the face. When he appeared, his subjects prostrated themselves, snapping at the earth with their teeth, and in this manner literally fulfilled the common salutation, “For you I gnaw the earth.”
Special roads were built for the king, along which no one else could go. The tato had several residences in various places and lived in them for those times of year which for that particular place were considered the healthiest. The main capital was the town of Andrachi, in which an enormous palace was located: the span of each of the columns that support it was several times the reach of both extended arms. The Abyssinians, having torn the city asunder, had to spend a long time trying to destroy this colossal building, until they finally succeeded in burning it down. In front of the palace, there was a large open space. Those who came to court had to dismount here and go the rest of the way by foot.
Sometimes the tato would appear in the court of justice. There he sat silently, with his face covered, up to the eyes, with a shamma. Those who were being tried stood with their backs to him.
The dinner of the king was accompanied with great ceremonies. The only person allowed to go behind the curtains, where the tato made himself comfortable, was the one who had the responsibility to feed him and give him drink. The sovereign himself would not exert himself at all. The gentleman carver brought everything to him and placed it in his mouth. This post was considered very important in the court hierarchy. This dignitary had to be distinguished for the best moral qualities so as not to in any way harm the king. During the time when he was away from his main duties, his right arm was tied in a canvas sack, in order that this arm, which fed the king, not contract some illness or be bewitched.
Originally, the tato was Christian. But the last six kings formally renounced Christianity, having banned Christian priests from the palace and having replaced them with pagan priests. Each week the tato locked himself up in the temple together with the head priest of Merecho and spent several days there with him, telling fortunes and conjuring.
For discussion of the most important matters, the king appointed a high council, for which only representatives of five families could be selected: Hio (two people), Amara, Argefa, Machya and Uka.37 From among the seven councilors (usually from the Hio family) one, named katamarasha, was the main spokesperson and announced the will of the king. This council served as the highest court of law.
For administrative purposes, the whole country was divided into 12 regions: Bimbi, Gauta, Beshe, Bita, Oka, Dech, Adda, Kaffa, Gobe, Shashi, Wata, and Chana. Each of these was entrusted to the management of a governor — waraba or rasha (this name derives from the Abyssinian word ras), who had an assistant — guda. Warabas were appointed by the king, independent of what family they belonged to. Their responsibilities included administering justice and inflicting punishment, and, in time of war, assembling and supplying provisions for the militia.
The regions, which derived their names from the families which inhabited them, were, in turn, divided into smaller parts or parcels. The eldest man of the eldest line in the family was considered the local chief. Consequently, at the foundation of the state there lay a tribal, aristocratic origin, on which class distinctions were also based. After the first subjugation of Kaffa by Abyssinians (in the fifteenth century), to consolidate his realm, the reigning king distributed to his fellow fighters both the conquered lands and the inhabitants, who had been turned into slaves. Those native families who voluntarily submitted or who performed some service for the Abyssinians kept their freedom and privileges. Thus the descendants of the Abyssinian new-comers who had settled in the country and the privileged natives formed a class which enjoyed the advantages of freedom and landownership, but which in return was obligated on the one hand to defend the state from external enemies and on the other hand to keep the subdued region in hand.
The closest advisors of the king were selected from several families who perhaps had blood ties with the ruling dynasty or whose ancestors distinguished themselves by some special outstanding deeds. As a consequence of the tribal nobility that emerged in this manner, the older lines constituted the ruling class, and the younger lines were free nobles, obliged only for military service.
My assumptions are confirmed by the existence up until now of a dependent populace which is conditionally free, which is not exempt from military service, and likewise the fact that among the names of the clans are found family names of Abyssinian and non-Abyssinian origin. For instance, “Amara” is undoubtedly an Abyssinian name, and “Hio” is probably local.
As a consequence of new conquests, captive slaves, merging with the subdued populace, increased the number of the dependent class.
In Kaffa, aside from these two basic classes, there also exist free merchants and pagan priests. The first are former local merchants and new-comers; the latter, in view of the strict succession of their religious order, also constituted a separate class. However, only one of the sons of a pagan priest was obliged to succeed to the profession of the father — the remaining children of this priest had free choice in this regard. Similar to Abyssinians in all other respects, the Kaffa are only lower than the Abyssinians in the level of their culture: letters are completely unknown to the pagans.
The Kaffa dress the same as Abyssinians. Men of the higher class wear the shamma — a wide piece of thick cotton material which is thrown over the shoulders, and the free ends of which fall back. They also wear short, very wide trousers which do not extend to the knees and are made of thick cotton material with beautiful patterns woven on the edges.
The lower class does not have the right to dress themselves in cloth and wears only leather. The entire costume of a man consists of a leather apron on the hips, and, in cold weather or rain, they throw over their shoulders a cape made of huge half-leaves of a banana-like (musa enset) tree, laid upon one another. The wide part of the banana-like tree leaf is like fringe attached to the main stem of the leaf and falls in long ribbons.
Women of the higher class wear long shirts, and those of the lower class wear leather skirts. Headgear is the same for both classes. In addition, cone-shaped caps made of those same banana-like tree leaves are also seen.
Men, as well as women, adorn their arms and legs with bracelets, rings, ear-rings, and beads.
The Kaffa differ from other tribes in their hair-style. Men grow long hair which, for instance on the king, stands up in a shock or is braided in plaits that hang down to the shoulders. Women have the same kind of hairstyle.
In former times, the food of the Kaffa consisted of meat, milk, and porridge made of the seeds of various bread-grain plants. Nowadays, they eat almost exclusively bread made from the roots of a banana-like tree (that same musa enset), since that is the only food stuff they can obtain after the general destruction.
This bread is prepared in the following manner: once a tree has attained four years of growth, they dig it up and strip off the leaves; then they bury the thick lower part of the trunk in the ground and leave it there for several months. After this time, it begins to rot and turn sour. Then they extract the buried tree from the ground, clean off the spoiled outer layer, and scrape and grind the part which has turned sour and soft. Then they bake it in large earthenware pans. This bread is not very nutritious. It is unsavory and has an unpleasant sour smell. If you add flour to it, then the bread is somewhat improved.
As a supplement to this food, they serve various roots, cooked in water, and also coffee, which they drink several times a day, up until and after eating. They boil coffee in earthenware vessels and pour it out into little cups made of ox horn.
The favorite drinks of the Kaffa are beer and mead. The beer is very thick and strong, but prepared without the stupefying leaves of the gesho, in only one malt. The beer is also very thick and sour.
Household utensils are the same as those of the Abyssinians — except for earthenware jogs, which are oblong and similar to ancient Greek vessels, and are of a more beautiful form than those of the Abyssinians.
The buildings of the Kaffa are very similar to those of the Abyssinians, but they are made more carefully and more elegantly.
The Kaffa bury their dead in very deep graves at the bottom of which they make a cave. They usually wrap up the corpse in palm branches, and, at the burial, lower coffee, money, and ivory together with it into the grave. Close relatives of the deceased, mourning his death, dress in rags, scratch their faces until they bleed, and tear out hair. They stay in mourning for a long time.
The Kaffa are bold, dashing horsemen. Their horses are rather tall and, judging by those which I saw, cannot be called bad, even though the climate and character of the place do not favor horse breeding. Only the upper classes have horses, and horses serve exclusively for military purposes. The Kaffa saddle differs from that of the Abyssinians in that it is smaller, covered with leather, and the pommel is much lower. The bit is the same as that of the Abyssinians. The saddle is adorned with metal decorations, but differently from the Abyssinian.
The weapons of the Kaffa include a throwing spear, which has a very beautiful form and is sometimes decorated with an intricate point; and a dagger worn in the belt. Round leather shields serve for defensive armaments. There are no bows and arrows.
Women in Kaffa are in a more dependent position than in Abyssinia. Wives are bought and become the slaves of their husbands, and do not have the right to divorce.
Although the Kaffa language differs sharply from the Abyssinian, it has many roots in common with it.
Their religion is a strange mixture of Christian, Jewish, and pagan beliefs — a conglomerate of all possible superstitions. The highest deity is called Iero or Ier (in all probability, this name derives from the Abyssinian word egziabeer, which means “god”).39 Deontos is honored in parallel with Iero. They make sacrifices to both deities. According to the beliefs of the Kaffa, Christ, Mary, and Satan (the devil), and simply a kalicha or bale (pagan priest) can help in case of misfortune.
Very few traces of Christianity remain here. They only left a few churches whole. Priests who came from Abyssinia sometimes served in them. And up until most recent times several fasts were observed by the king and the aristocracy. For example, they had a 50-day fast which coincides with the time of our Lent, and a thirty-day fast which falls in autumn. Of the Christian holidays, the Kaffa honor Holy Cross Day, which is Mashkala in their language (Maskal in Abyssinian) and shanbat (sanbat in Abyssinian) — Sabbath [Saturday]. Friday is considered a holiday. And with that is exhausted all connection of the religion of the Kaffa with Christianity.
From Judaism, they adopted the ceremony of circumcision of babies and the method of slaughtering cattle (which, as is well known, Jews perform in accord with strictly defined ritual). The paganism of the Kaffa appears most strikingly in the fact that, from their point of view, all success and failure in life, all disasters and averting of disasters depend on a deity who is in each separate case either merciful or inflicting punishment. In order to dispose this deity favorably toward oneself and to propitiate him, one must make sufficient sacrifice. The mood of the deity and the answer to the question of which of the gods to address oneself to is only known to a pagan priest, a sorcerer — bale. He sacrifices an animal supplied to him for this, then tells fortunes by its innards and… gives advice. But there are other means as well at the disposal of the bale: various incantations, medicines, etc. If prayers do not succeed, the pagan priest is never to blame, but rather the client was not able to propitiate the deity sufficiently, or did something contrary to the deity or was “bewitched” again by some evil man after the sacrifice.
Formerly, sacrifices were frequent and national and done in mass. These sacrifices were performed on days which corresponded with several of our holidays (for example, Holy Cross Day, etc.) and also on especially important occasions of state life. The place of sacrifice was Mount Bonga-Shanbata, i.e. Sabbath Bonga, on the summit of which a temple was built. According to old-timers, on days of national sacrifice, hundreds of bulls were slaughtered. Their blood flowed from the mountain in a stream, and tens of thousands of men ate the sacrificed animals.
However, despite the fact that Christianity is almost completely forgotten, there remain here several families who still firmly adhere to it and who therefore received with joy the missionary Massai who visited the capital of Kaffa and the surrounding area. This missionary succeeded in converting several hundred people to Catholicism.
In the far distant past, before its destruction and conquest by the Abyssinians, Kaffa was the industrial and commercial center of Ethiopia. Thanks to its wealth, to the fertility of soil etc., it had the reputation of being an almost fairytale country. It abounded in bread, mead, cattle, and horses, and with its tributaries, it gathered a huge quantity of ivory.
A large part of the musk exported from Ethiopia was obtained in Kaffa. Excellent cloth and the best iron articles — spears and daggers — were made in Kaffa. But circumstances changed, and the once flourishing and busy state is now completely destroyed and an almost deserted country…
During the time when Kaffa, isolated by the Gallas, it did not change its internal structure at all and got hardened in the old forms of life, Abyssinia recovered from the blow the Gallas had struck, quickly grew, got stronger, and developed. In its wars, Abyssinia acquired guns. Abyssinia subdued one after the other the peoples who surrounded it, under whose power it had temporarily fallen. Finally, expanding its borders, it became a neighbor of Kaffa. Having gone through so many revolutions in this time, tempered in heavy conflict both with external and internal enemies, once it had gotten stronger, Abyssinia really couldn’t stop on the way to fulfillment of its cultural-historical mission — the union and development of the Central African tribes who inhabit Ethiopia.
The collision of the two tribal states became inevitable, even though all the chances for victory were, evidently, on the side of Abyssinia. To Kaffa, as the weakest, there remained only to submit voluntarily or be subdued. But Kaffa decided to defend its independence to the very last. Wars began which struck a terrible blow to the prosperity of the country, gradually reducing it to complete collapse and destruction. Despite the desperate resistance, it ended in the complete subjugation of Kaffa and the annexation of it to the Ethiopian empire (1897).
The first campaign against Kaffa was carried out by Ras Adal, the ruler of Gojjam, in 1880. He ravaged one of its districts. At the same time, Kaffa lost one of its vassal states — Jimma — the king of which recognized the power of Ras Adal over him.
The campaign into Kaffa, a warlike country which was inaccessible due to mountains and forests, was considered by contemporaries as an outstanding feat. As a reward for this success, Emperor Yohannes made Ras Adal the Negus of Gojjam and Kaffa. He has reigned in Gojjam up until the present time, under the name of Tekla Haymanot. In 1886, conflict arose between Shoa under Menelik and Gojjam under Tekla Haymanot, over the division of southwestern Ethiopian lands.
Having utterly defeated the king of Gojjam in a battle at Embabo, Menelik took in his hands all the land to the south of the Abbay River, despite the fact that they were at that time independent. Kaffa was among the regions seized by Menelik. It was then that began the gradual conquest of the Kaffa empire by Menelik’s leaders.
Hard times now ensued for all the states which made up the southern Ethiopian empire. A new phase in their history began. Up until this time, they were isolated and closed off. Now they gradually merged into a continuous whole with the entire united Ethiopian highland. Such revolutions don’t happen easily.
Regions that did not want to submit voluntarily Menelik turned over to his most talented commanders, whom he let have the opportunity to conquer them and “feed off” them. However, once these regions had been completely destroyed by war, they could not supply provisions for all the troops that had conquered them, which gave rise to the conquest of neighboring lands which were still free. Thus, little by little, the domain of Menelik grew, and the borders of Abyssinia expanded.
On the southwestern outskirts, three Abyssinian leaders operated: Dajazmatch Tesemma, Dajazmatch Beshakha, and Ras Wolda Giyorgis (at the time still a dajazmatch).
In 1887, Menelik turned over Goma to Dajazmatch Tesemma, Gera to Beshakha, and Lima to Ras Wolda Giyorgis. The tribes who inhabited these lands, especially the Goma, put up a desperate resistance against the Abyssinians. More than once, Tesemma had to turn to Wolda Giyorgis for help, and he quickly gave that help. Once when Tesemma, with an insignificant detachment, was besieged in his fortress by superior forces of Gallas and his military and food supplies were exhausted, only the timely arrival of Wolda Giyorgis with his army saved Tesemma from inevitable destruction.
In their military actions, these leaders stuck to a single tactic. When they arrived in a new land, each of them would choose the most advantageous strategic point and build a fortress or, more correctly, a camp there. Then they would begin to carry out raids on the surrounding area until the inhabitants who were bravely defending were finally convinced that further defense was unthinkable and useless, and submitted. Those who submitted retained their self-government and ruler. But the Abyssinians took the ruler’s children and those of prominent families to raise as hostages. The area was divided for “feeding” among units of the army. They allotted land to those soldiers who wished parcels of land, and gave them some of the defeated inhabitants as serfs.
For the sake of popularity with the troops, the military leaders, in times that were free of military action, arranged endless, abundant feasts. Bulls taken from the enemy were slaughtered daily by the tens, mead flowed in rivers — the fame of the leaders grew with each day; and together with their fame, the quantity of their troops increased… Of course, the means of the conquered region were drained.
The most popular of these commanders was the Ras, at that time still Dajazmatch Wolda Giyorgis. Having received from Menelik permission to conquer Kulo and Konta, which are found on the other side of the Gojeb River, he carried out his plan in a single campaign, as follows. He smashed the feudal Kaffa states of Gofa and Kyshya, then crossed the River Omo and conquered Melo, Boko, and others, having extended his domain almost to Lake Stefanie.
At the same time, Dajazmatch Tesemma subdued all the lands which border Kaffa on the north, and likewise its ally Mocha. As a result, at the beginning of 1896, out of the large Kaffa empire only Kaffa itself still remained independent. And it was already surrounded on three sides by the domains of its bellicose neighbor. On the southeast was Ras Wolda Giyorgis with a fifteen-thousand-man army, half of which was armed with guns. On the east was the feudal king of Jimma. On the northeast was Dajazmatch Demissew, who after the Italian campaign had been made commander of the 8,000-man corps of men from Gondar who were stationed in Leka, Gera, and Guma, and who were armed with guns. On the north was Dajazmatch Tesemma with an 8,000-man army, also armed with guns.
These three leaders repeatedly tried to take possession of Kaffa, but, acting separately, did not have any success: the first campaign of Ras Wolda Giyorgis against Kafa ended without result, and failure befell both Dajazmatch Tesemma and Dajazmatch Demissew.
Due to the stubbornly held belief in the impregnability of Kaffa and the desperate bravery of its people, the Abyssinians set out on these campaigns reluctantly. The difficulty of mountain roads and the humidity of the climate had a disastrous effect on the health of people and horses. In addition, little plunder was expected there: dense forest and mountainous country served as an excellent means for concealing both livestock and property, as well as the inhabitants themselves.
Having decided to break the resistance of Kaffa and annex it, once and for all, to the Ethiopian empire, Menelik in 1896 gave orders to attack it from three sides at once. He entrusted the overall leadership to Wolda Giyorgis, to whom he had granted the right of ownership of all the lands he conquered.
The King (Tato) of Kaffa at this time was Chenito, who had ascended the throne in 1887 on the death of his father, Tato Galito.40 Young, brave, energetic, he, knowing the people’s love for the fatherland and devotion to him, decided to fight to the bitter end.
Foreseeing all the burden of the upcoming resistance, Chenito thoroughly prepared for it and actively took measures for the defense of the country. Along the borders he built a series of frontier posts in order to get advance notice of a surprise attack. He considered the destruction of grain supplies to be the main means of fighting. Knowing very well that the Abyssinians during campaigns supplied themselves exclusively with the provisions of the region under attack, Tato Chenito issued an edict which prohibited producing any crops, even planting. He hoped that the lack of provisions would force the Abyssinians to retreat, and that only the Kaffa, who were used to it, could nourish themselves. To this end, word was spread among the people that a revelation had come to the high priest that by exactly this means the Kaffa would defeat the Abyssinians.
The fact that in the upcoming war the king intended to hold to an exclusively defensive form of action was also from the fact that he himself taught his beloved wife to ride on horseback in case of flight.
The character of their main enemy, Ras Wolda Giyorgis, was well known to the Kaffa. And they didn’t entertain any illusions with regard to the battle that was in the making and its possible outcome. The anxiety which reigned among them gave rise to several different rumors. For example, it was said that, at one of the dinners in the presence of Menelik, Ras Wolda Giyorgis solemnly swore that he would subdue Kaffa and take its king prisoner. And as if to confirm his oath, he in one swig drank a huge goblet, which he then threw up with such force that it broke into smithereens when it struck the ceiling.
But, nevertheless, neither the evident inequality of forces, nor the insignificance of the chances for success, nor the undoubted destruction of the country in the unlikely case of victory could stop the king and his people in their unshakable determination to fight to the very end.
In November 1896 Ras Wolda Giyorgis, the first of the three participants in the campaign, marched into Kaffa from Kulo with 10,000 men and, putting to fire and sword everything on the way, arrived at the city of Andrachi, the capital of Kaffa, where he built a fortified camp. Tato (King) Chenito retreated, continually harassing the rear and flanks of the Abyssinians with his cavalry detachments, such that the first days were marked by continuous skirmishes of small parties, in which the Abyssinians, thanks to fire-arms, always had the upperhand.
Having consolidated his position in Andrachi, Ras Wolda Giyorgis divided his army into large detachments, and sent them out in various directions. These detachments laid waste the country, ravaging it for a radius of many tens of versts [seven miles], taking prisoner the women and children who were hidden in the forests, and setting fire to everything that could burn.
But the destruction of the country by far still did not lead to its submission: as long as the king was alive and free, the Kaffa cause could not yet be considered lost. The Abyssinians had already destroyed parts of Kaffa many times, but in the end almost always the conquerors retreated, forced to do so by the fatigue of the of the troops, the lack of provisions, and the bad climatic conditions (two rainy seasons per year). When the enemy left, the king, who had been hiding, again appeared in the capital; women and children came out of the dense forest and caves; and the cattle were driven home again. The people made sacrifices of thanksgiving, rebuilt houses that had been burned down — and… Kaffa healed as before.
In order to avoid this, Ras Wolda Giyorgis decided to exert all his force and use all possible means to either kill the King or take him prisoner. With this aim, he organized secret reconnaissance and espionage, mainly by means of prisoners. They paid the spies large sums and, by order of Wolda Giyorgis, set the prisoners free.
As soon as he received word of the location of Tato’s sanctuary, Wolda Giyorgis quickly set out towards there with significant forces. The king fled to another place, but Wolda Giyorgis found this place as well and pursued him in this manner, indefatigably, five times.
The position of the king became even more difficult when the detachments of Tesemma and Demissew appeared and began to take action on the western and northern borders. Demissew entered Kaffa from Guma in February and in March joined forces with Wolda Giyorgis and set up camp in the town of Bonga.
The forces of Tato Chenito soon were completely shattered. Scattered and deprived of their main leader, finding themselves in complete ignorance regarding his fate and not knowing where he was, the Kaffa could not rally for his defense. Each of the survivors could only think about saving himself.
Staying in the center and moving from there in all directions with “flying detachments,” Wolda Giyorgis with part of his army surrounded the area where the King was located, having seized with separate detachments all the main routes to the south, to the Negro lands, and having put a series of guard posts in place on all paths and tracks. Each guard post set up an abattis at the narrowest place on a protected route — narrow gates and beside them a small fortification in the form of a high fence surrounding a guard house. This system gave fine results.
The wives of the King, all his property and regalia fell into the hands of the Ras at the very beginning. The only one who was still free was the favorite wife of Chenito, who had not parted from him; but in the sixth month of the blockade she, too, was taken prisoner.
The King did not give up his freedom easily. The rest of his suite was scattered; he even lacked horses, but, in spite of this, he continued to skillfully hide himself, accompanied only by several faithful servants.
Now the life of the King was not at all like the pampered and luxurious life he had led up to that time. Surrounded on all sides by secret and obvious enemies, forced to suffer all possible deprivations, with difficulty obtaining scanty food for himself, not having even shelter for several months (and that at the very worst time of year), Chenito, however, displayed such will power and such courage, amounting to daring, that he astonished his enemies. According to stories, he sometimes appeared in the very camp of the Abyssinians in rags, dressed as a simple Kaffa, and successfully went through their hands.
But the Ras did not easily give up the pursuit. When at the end of February, the first rainy season started, mud became deep, and roads impassable, the troops began to feel the absence of provisions and as a result of poor food an epidemic of dysentery began, which claimed many victims, especially among the irregular forces, consisting of Galla and Sidamo. To all this was added still the loss of livestock, and the fact that corpse flies appeared in abundance in the vicinity of the camp.
A murmur arose among the troops, and all surrounding the Ras began to insist that he go back to Kulo. They demonstrated to Wolda Giyorgis that hope for capturing the King was lost and that to stay longer in the plundered and finally drained region was pointless and disastrous. The Ras gave evasive answers, promised to leave, delayed fulfillment of his promise from week to week, but strongly, in his soul, decided to not leave Kaffa until it was completely subdued. In order to in some way entertain the troops, he undertook a small raid on Geshe, a Kaffa region which was previously untouched (which lies on the summit of a mountain ridge that rises up to 3,000 meters above sea level). And Dajazmatch Demissew decided to move against the southern Gimiro territory. But the guard posts and a small reserve stayed in place to continue to blockade the place where the king was located.
This was the time of the spring rainy period, and the troops strongly suffered from the cold.
The invasion of Geshe had a positive effect on the situation, since it raised the spirits of the soldiers which had previously been falling. It also made it possible for them to obtain some food supplies. Returning to Andrachi, the Ras took pepper seeds and cabbage sprouts and ordered the soldiers to plant them.
After Easter, which arrived in the most difficult circumstances, the summer rainy season arrived, when there wasn’t any talk either about the pursuit of Chenito nor even about leaving. The king was still free. The troops of the Ras were totally worn out by hunger and disease. There arose an intolerable stench from the quantity of corpses in Andrachi. It appeared that the Ras, despite his strength of spirit, would have to give up his well-conceived plan; but fate decided otherwise. On August 14, 1897, in the main camp of Wolda Giyorgis a message was received from Fitaurari Atyrsye41, who occupied the southern guard posts with his regiment — they had taken Tato Chenito prisoner.
Chenito, for whom staying among the Abyssinian guard posts was becoming every day more dangerous, had intended to flee to the southern lands belonging to the Negroes. He decided to break through the guard posts, at night, dressed as a simple Kaffa, accompanied only by a single servant. They noticed him and raised the alarm. Chenito ran into the nearby forest, which the Abyssinians quickly surrounded. In the morning, they passed through it several times in a chain, but did not find King; and only at night, one soldier, searching in a thicket for a missing mule, accidentally stumbled upon Chenito. The king threw two spears at the soldier — silver and copper — but missed, and having no hope for being saved, gave himself up. The Ras ordered the captured Chenito to dress in his best clothes and showed him royal honor. The first meeting between the conqueror and the conquered was remarkable. Both bowed to the ground to one another, and Tato Chenito, having taken from his arm three gold bracelets, asked the Ras to accept this gift, saying the following: “I give this to you, man among men. Neither Ras Gobana, nor Negus Tekla Haymanot, nor Tesemma, nor Demissew ever succeeded in subduing me; but you have done so. If you refuse to wear these bracelets, then I will despise you.”
News of the capture of the King was announced to the scattered people, and the war ended of itself. Captured Kaffa were set free; and through them the word was spread that all, not fearing for their lives, could return to their lands; and that the elders should assemble in the town of Andrachi. For the most part, the leaders of regions remained as before, and individuals who were well known for their services to Abyssinia were named to prominent posts. On the restoration of peace, the Ras, together with Chenito as prisoner, set out for Addis Ababa, having entrusted to his wife and a small detachment the job of guarding the territory. The other troops were given furlough.
30 B: This mountain ridge, unknown up until now, was discovered by me. See more lower.
31 B: See lower.
32 K: Originally a region in the southwest of Ethiopia where the Sidamo people, including the Kaffa, settled. This was taken by Negroids, who, up until the present, remain in part on the Ethiopian-Sudanese border and are known under the general name of “Shangalla” (from the Amharic word for Negro). The Negroids were gradually forced out or absorbed by Cushitic tribes, which consequently received the name “Sidamo,” speaking Semito-Hamitic languages. (They have no written language.) Apparently, they settled the whole region between the Blue Nile and Gojeb, but in the fourteenth century were driven away by Galla to the mountains of the southwest. For classification of Sidamo languages see: M.M. Moreno, Manuale di Sidamo, Milano, 1940. Kaffa or Gonga is in the Gonga language group, towhich also belong the languages Shinasha, Bosha or Garo, Mao, and Sheka or Mocha.
33 K: This legend is not in keeping with the oral tradition established by F. Bieber. The population of the country of the Minjo tribe, from which the king’s clan derives, is imputed to be Kaffa. In agreement with this tradition, up until 1890, there were 19 kings who had succeeded one another from the first — Minjo (1390). The version about the descent of the dynasty of the kings of Kaffa from Zara Yakob, cited by A. K. Bulatovich is unconfirmed. (See, F. Bieber. Kaffa. Ein altkuschitisches Volkstum in Inner-Afrika, vol. II, Modling bei Wien, 1923, pages 494-533). About the time of government of separate kings, also see: C.F. Beckingham and G.W.B. Huntingford, Some Records of Ethiopia, 1593-1646. London, 1954, Pages LVII-LVIII.
34 B: The double name of the country indicates the origin of this tribe. The more ancient name — Enareya (which means “slaves”) — was given to it by the Abyssinians who conquered it. The more recent name — Limu — it obtained from the name of the Galla tribe which took possession of it afterwards.
35 K: The name “Sidam” first occurs in Ethiopian literature in the sixteenth century. It is possible that it originated from the western Semitic root “sid,” “sad” meaning “to travel” and the suffix -ata, where of course a was transformed into o. See, E. Cerulli, Peoples of South-West Ethiopia and its Borderland, London, 1956.
36 K: In actuality, in Kaffa right up to its conquest by Ethiopia, the people preserved many of their distinctive peculiarities, in particular in the political and social structure of the country. (See, F. Bieber, Kaffa…, and also G.W. Huntingford, The Galla of Ethiopia, The Kingdom of Kaffa and Janjero, London, 1955, p. 103).
37 K: Members of this council were called “Mikirecho.” The clans A. K. Bulatovich writes about were called Hiyo, Amaro, Ako (Ukko), Mechcho, and Minjo. The king belongs to the last of those. In the opinion of F. Bieber, the general number of clans attained 37. (F. Bieber, Kaffa, Ein altkuschitisches Volkstum in Inner-Africa, Volume II, Modling bei Wien, 1923, pages 53-55). E. Cerulli counts only 25 (E. Cerulli, Etiopia Occidentale, volume 1, Rome, 1932, chapter 20). Apart from those indicated, the following clans were considered privileged: Girgo, Argeppo, Dingerato, Yachino, Kalichcho, Kullo, and Matto.
38 B: One of the regimental commanders of the Ras.
39 K: A.K. Bulatovich’s guess about the origin of the name Iero is not confirmed. Iero or Yaro was originally the god of the sky, the representation of which after the spread of Christianity in Kaffa in the sixteenth century was combined with representations of the Christian God.
40 K: The last king of Kaffa, Gaki Sherocho (nicknamed Chenito), ascended the throne on April 6, 1890 after the death of his father Gali Sherocho (nicknamed Galito), who had reigned since 1870.
By: Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis [ Enlarge ] Continuing the series of articles on the insightful documentation provided by the Russian Military Officer, Explorer, and Orthodox Monk in his books about his deeds and excursions, observations and explorations in Abyssinia (undertaken over three years 1896 — 1899), I herewith republish the chapter on the Abyssinian church and faith that Bulatovich erroneously names ‘Ethiopian’.
The attribution of the national name of Ancient Kush (Sudan) to Abyssinia relates to the Axumite King Ezana’s partly invasion of Ethiopia and destruction of its capital, Meroe, ca. 360 — 365 CE. That event had however a partly and momentary character that does not justify any further use from any Abyssinian ruler because that country was always located out of the historical borders of real Ethiopia. This is the reason the modern state is called Fake Ethiopia; its right name is just Abyssinia.
Information originating from different sources is made available in this chapter. Accuracy, veracity and correctness depend on the source; certainly Bulatovich had indeed a very strong Russian Orthodox theological background and a vast knowledge about the History of Early Christianity and Christian Patristic Literature. Wherever information is offered throughout this chapter, coming from this earlier acquired knowledge, Bulatovich is correct and truthful. Wherever modern religious practices of the Abyssinians are referred to, Bulatovich as a perspicacious observer can also be trusted.
However, Bulatovich’s text is unreliable wherever one of the following themes is involved:
a) Abyssinian religious and political history of the Islamic Ages; historical falsifications, mythical and fanatic beliefs, subjects of popular religious traditions and interpretative efforts of the past,
b) Abyssinian theological exegesis and hermeneutics, and
c) subjects relevant to History of Religions.
I find however quite pertinent Bulatovich’s effort to identify each of the main Abyssinian theological systems as oscillating between duophysitism to extreme monophysitism.
What escapes totally from Bulatovich approach is an academic, impartial stance toward his subject, namely Abyssinia, Abyssinians, and their beliefs. The reason is simple; Bulatovich was not an academic working of his own but the envoy of tsarist Russia, and as such, he sought to find out points of rapprochement, chances of cooperation, and perspectives of a Christian Orthodox alliance against the English and the French colonials who reflected the deep anti-Russian, anti-Orthodox, and anti-Christian interests of Freemasonry. He went out of his way to discern possibilities of Russian help to the Abyssinian monks in Jerusalem!
Although he tried to stay close to the facts, Bulatovich was overwhelmed by his own dream of an Orthodox alliance against the Anglo-French penetration in the wider area of Dar al Islam, the Islamic region. But his dreams could not outmaneuver the systematic diplomatic — military — economic — academic efforts of the Anglo-French Freemasonry that had taken place for almost 100 years before Bulaovich’s arrival in Abyssinia (French invasion of Egypt under Napoleon in 1798). In Abyssinia itself, Bulatovich arrived very late; he certainly advanced up to different points where no other European had set foot, but his diplomatic effort was deployed more than 125 years after the notorious James Bruce’s travel.
Worse, Bulatovich failed to realize that the deeply Anti-Christian nature of Abyssinia was the greatest obstacle in his path to promote an exclusive, Christian Orthodox alliance between Russia and Abyssinia. The incestuous character of the Amhara society, so explicitly narrated by Bulatovich, irrevocably placed Africa’s monstrous and alien state closer to the Anglo-French Freemasonic fornication than to the Orthodox Church.
Had he truly focused on the subject, Bulatovich would have realized that his best allies would be the Copts and the Muslims of Egypt. In fact, Bulatovich failure to take facts at face value has cost Russia as much as the case of the Armenians who, although neighboring with Russia and partly belonging to St Petersburg’s authority, were more effectively manipulated by Paris and London during WW I — to their terrible prejudice of course.
I will republish further parts of Bulatovich’s book in forthcoming articles, but herewith I make first available a recapitulation of the earlier thirteen (13) articles of the series.
All the Oromos, Ogadenis, Afars, Sidamas and others, who fight for their independence, and all the neighboring countries, not only Egypt and Sudan but also Somalia and Eritrea, which are threatened because of the evil, eschatological dreams of Greater Ethiopia, must study, understand and diffuse the insightful documentation available in this book, which was published by the Russian explorer before 110 years; in and by itself it constitutes good reason for the world to be preoccupied with the source of every regional trouble and instability: the Amhara and Tigray (Tewahedo) Monophysitic Abyssinians who rule tyrannically over the lands they invaded and the nations they subjugated.
Recapitulation
Earlier articles of the present series can be found here:
Selected and highlighted excerpts from a book — report published by a Russian explorer, military officer and monk, Alexander Bulatovich, who spent three years in Abyssinia, during the last decade of the 19th century. These excerpts undeniably testify to the Oromo genocide perpetrated by the invading Amhara and Tigray Abyssinian armies, and have therefore to be brought to the surface of political debate by the Oromo political and intellectual leaders at the local, regional and international levels.
Republishing further excerpts from Bulatovich’s book, I focused on the possible reasons for Russia’s failure as colonial power in the region. As reasons I identified an inherent Russian quantitative approach to the colonial process and an overall misperception of the past and the present of Asia and Africa, which is due to the Russian academic, intellectual and ideological acceptance of the Anglo-French Orientalism, a bunch of disciplines elaborated by the French and the English academia in order to mainly promote and diffuse an interpretation of data that would suit the interests of the Anglo-French Freemasonry, namely the driving force of the Paris and London regimes.
Another, longer, excerpt from Bulatovich’s ‘From Entotto to the River Baro’ which bears witness to the evil Amhara and Tigray plans of illegal occupation of the annexed lands and of tyrannical consolidation of the Abyssinian colonialism by means of settlements peremptorily implemented among the subjugated nations.
Three chapters dealing with Oromo national identity, religion and language. All the preconceived concepts of the colonial era are herewith present, thus leading Bulatovich to erroneous interpretations. Certainly, the Russian explorer was not a linguist, historian or historian of religions; more importantly, academic exploration was not the primary interest of his travel which was kind of diplomatic reconnaissance.
However, the chapter on the Oromo national character is greatly interesting because it demolishes the Ethiopianist myth of a supposed Ethiopian nation. There isn’t and there can’t be any Ethiopian nation other the one identified by the Ancient Greeks and Romans as located south of Egypt, which means the Ancient Kushites and Meroites of Sudan, who are the ancestors of today’s brotherly nations, the Oromos, the Sidamas and the Arabic-speaking Sudanese.
Further excerpts from the same volume of Bulatovich, providing with his description of the Abyssinians. Reporting accurately and truthfully, Bulatovich offered the Orthodox tsarist Russia’s top authorities a trustful portrait of the unclean and incestuous character of the pseudo-Christian Abyssinian society.
In just few paragraphs, he revealed a well hidden reality about the abysmal reality of the Abyssinian society, namely that, despite apparent faith similarities, the Amhara Tewahedo (Monophysitic) Abyssinians are not Christians; in fact, they constitute a desecrated society rejected by all Christian believers, because they practice a generalized fornication which is incompatible with the Christian creed, faith and principles.
With no family, there is no Christian society. As a matter of fact, Abyssinian eschatology is a corrupt system at the very antipodes of Christianity.
Further excerpts from the same volume of Bulatovich, providing with his description of the Abyssinians. Reporting accurately and truthfully, Bulatovich offered the Orthodox tsarist Russia’s top authorities a convincing presentation and analysis of how and why Abyssinian nobility does not exist — which consists in a formidable blow against the falsehood of the so-called Solomonic dynasty of Abyssinia, and their connection to the Ancient Hebrews. In fact, there has never been any post-Agaw Abyssinian ‘Kingdom’. The entire history of post-Agaw Abyssinia is a succession of uncivilized gangsters of incestuous origin, who were peremptorily called ‘noble men’, ‘kings’ or ‘emperors’; they were imposed as such to all the peoples and nations that, with Anglo-French permission and support, the Abyssinians invaded and subjugated.
Any incestuous ruler does not make a noble man, let alone king and emperor. In Ancient Assyria and Babylonia, these people were called “son of nobody”, and this exactly what all the anti-Christian, incestuous Abyssinian pseudo-kings have been. And wherever there is no noblesse, there cannot be any kingdom.
Chapters on the Ethiopian System of Government, the State Government and the Distribution of Land, the Police, the Judicial System and Procedure, the Law and Custom, the Crimes and Punishments, and the Economic Condition of the State — the Treasury.
Chapter on the Abyssinian army; this part of Bulatovich’s text is also very critical because it highlights (see the section: ‘Conduct of War’) the inhuman practices of environmental disaster spread by the criminal robbers and inhuman soldiers of the Abyssinian state, which supported by England and France, perpetrated the worst atrocities ever attested on African soil and the world’s most appalling and multifaceted genocide.
Chapter on Menelik’s family, the ‘family of the emperor’. This chapter is of great importance for the diplomatic and national security services of Egypt and the Sudan, because it reveals what the heinous and rancorous Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic (Tewahedo) Abyssinians try to hide; namely that the regime, the elites and the upper classes of these incestuous and barbarous tribes act based on a secret program (that they call “prophecy” because of their sick, abnormal and perverse minds) to destroy Egypt and Sudan, and expand their cannibalistic tyranny throughout East Africa.
Chapter on the Sidamas and the African peoples. This part is full of inaccuracies, inconsistencies and wrong terms; it is clearly the topic Bulatovich explored less and had a most vague idea about. The reason is simple; he did not have the time for direct contact with any of them, being thus the victim of the customary and idiotic Amhara lies.
I herewith provide with some examples; Bulatovich employs the misnomer Sidamo (Amhara pejorative term) and — even worse — he uses it, according to what he says, in a recapitulative manner to describe the “Kaffa, Mocha, Kulo, Sidamo, Amaro and Gurage”. Bringing under a general cover name different Kushitic and Semitic peoples (f.i. the Kaffa and the Gurage) is totally erroneous. The national name of the Sidama had never been used in a recapitulative and collective manner by either themselves or any other Kushitic nation.
Another mistaken assumption attested in Bulatovich’s text is the falsehood that there had been a 16th century Oromo invasion; this is all due to Amhara pseudo-history, distortion and evil propaganda; it is an imaginative fabrication of the villainous Amhara pseudo-historiographers who invented this theory in order to portray the Oromos as ‘late comers’, and — more importantly — to illegally, fallaciously and mendaciously advance claims to Oromia’s (or even Shoa’s and Gojjam’s) territory under terms of anteriority.
The etymology of national names that Bulatovich offers (namely “Kaffa” derives from the word kefu meaning “wicked,”) is also totally false: the only wicked (!) are the disreputable, incestuous Amhara pseudo-historiographers.
Another filthy Amhara lie is that the Oromos (mistakenly named Galla by Bulatovich as per the racist Amhara propaganda) called “Sidamo” all the rest (“all Abyssinians”). The Sidamas, the Kaffas and the others are not Abyssinians, and there is no chance in a billion that the Oromos imagined that the Sidamas, the Kaffas, and other Kushitic nations had anything in common with the execrable liars, i.e. Bulatovich’s Amhara interlocutors.
The idea “that the Galla came from Arussi” (misnomer for Arsi) is another shameful and idiotic Amhara lie; this serves the Abyssinians greatly because by “emptying” the South from the Oromos, they try to claim it as ‘historically’ theirs whereas they had never crossed those lands in the past — even in their wildest dreams.
Ethiopia through Russian Eyes
An eye-witness account of the end of an era, 1896-98 consisting of two books by Alexander Bulatovich
An account of a trip to the southwestern regions of the Ethiopian Empire 1896-97 by Lieutenant of His Majesty’s Life-Guard Hussar Regiment Alexander Bulatovich
Originally published in St. Petersburg, 1897, Printed by V. Kirshbaum, 204 pages
Reissued in 1971 as part of the volume With the Armies of Menelik II, edited by I. S. Katsnelson of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the U.S.S.R.”Science” Publishing House Chief Editorial Staff of Oriental Literature Moscow 1971, entire book 352 pages, Entotto pp. 32-156
Translated by Richard Seltzer (from the 1971 edition)
Ethiopian Church and Faith
The Ethiopian church is under the authority of the Alexandrian patriarch. Abyssinians consider themselves attached to the Alexandrian church by decree of the Nicaean Council, at which it was also decided that they should receive bishops from Alexandria. Thanks to this dependence on the Alexandrian church, the Ethiopian church did not send representatives to the ecumenical councils and separated itself simultaneously from the Alexandrian church and from the rest of the church after the censure of the monophysite doctrine of the Alexandrian patriarch Aba Dioskuros by Pope Leo at the Chalcedonian Council.
Like the Alexandrian church, the Abyssinians consider the Apostle Mark as their enlightener. They acknowledge only five councils, receive bishops from Alexandria, but in spite of this outward unity, they differ from the Copts in many dogmas and in the divine service; and their relationship with the Alexandrian church and the abunas (bishops) they receive from them is rather one of antipathy. The Debra-Libanos religious belief that now predominates in Abyssinia is closer to Orthodox diophysitism than to Coptic monophysitism.
According to Latin sources, the Abyssinians were converted to Christianity by Saint Frumentius. Saint Frumentius was going to India together with Edeziy and Merope, but they were lost in a wreck in the Red Sea. Saint Frumentius found himself at the court of the Ethiopian king. From there he returned to Jerusalem, then was ordained by the Alexandrian patriarch as bishop of Ethiopia, and, returning there, baptized King Abrekh-Atsebakh and the whole nation. The Abyssinians named him Aba Salama.
There are several versions of this story in Abyssinian sources.
In an authentic copy that I have of the Abyssinian Tarika Negest, it is said, “At the time of the reign of Abrekh-Atsebakh, the baptism took place when they were in Aksum.
At this time, there were no Turks. The father of Aba Salama was a merchant. Aba Salama came with his father. At this time, the Ethiopian people in part bowed to the Law of the Prophets and in part to wild animals (baauri). After this, Aba Salama taught them about the descent of Jesus Christ — the birth, suffering, crucifixion, death, and resurrection. He performed many miracles before them. At that time, they believed in Christian baptism and were baptized. The conversion took place in 343 A.D. and they built Aksum.” (R. Basset, Etudes sur l’histoire d’Ethiopie, “Chronique ethiopienne,” Paris, 1882, issue No. 30, page 220). In the book Synkysar (a collection of sacred books, arranged according to the day of the year), Frumentius (Frementos) and Edeziy (Adzios) are called relatives of Merope.
One Abyssinian scholar, Alaka Sou Aganyekh, father superior of the church in the city of Gori, recounted to me a completely new version of the Aba Salama story, that has a legendary character. (I cite it since it is very curious.) In Tigre, there was a good man who got sick and died. They washed him and wanted to bury him, but by some indications, they noticed that he wasn’t completely dead. They waited three days, but the situation didn’t change. Then, on the advice of a wise man, they decided that this was some very important sign and that one should not oppose the clearly expressed will of God. For a large sum of money, they got a blind beggar woman and took her to the dead man. After this the dead man quieted down, and after nine month sand five days the blind woman gave birth to a son whom they called “Fre Mentotos,” which means “creation of an unknown guest.” In three years his mother died; and in his seventh year, merchants brought him into slavery and took him to Egypt. He spent twelve years there. After this, the man who had taken him to Egypt died himself and, in dying, set the slave free. In four years, after having visited Jerusalem, he returned to Abyssinia.
There, at this time, reigned Abrekh-Atsebakh, who, having found out about his arrival, summoned him to him and began to ask what he had done in Alexandria and Jerusalem. He told about the birth of Christ, the suffering, death, and resurrection from the dead.
The king having given him much money, sent him to Jerusalem in order that, after studying theology there, he could give Abyssinia a new faith. He stayed in Jerusalem for seven years, and in the eighth year was consecrated as a bishop by the Alexandrian patriarch and returned to Ethiopia where he baptized the king and all the people. Aba Salama brought with him 45 books of the Old Testament — Billugat — and 36 books of the New Testament — Hadisat — translated by him to the Ethiopian language.
After the death of Aba Salama, in 383, Abyssinia continued to receive its bishops from Alexandria and was under its influence.
Together with the Alexandrian church it separated itself from other churches, but this separation took place imperceptibly for Abyssinians and they were not responsible for it. The spiritual influence of the Alexandrian church was strong in Abyssinia. The works of Alexandrian theologians played a large role in this case. The works of Aba Dioskuros were translated into the Ethiopian language and his fate was explained as an unjust persecution by Pope Leo. In their eyes, Dioskuros was a martyr since they only knew one side of the dispute.
After the moderate monophysite teaching of Dioskuros, there appeared in Abyssinia the more extreme teaching of Eustaphy. It got most of its followers in western Ethiopia — Gojjam Both new teachings penetrated Ethiopia from the west and north and spread more in these parts. The south preserved its original apostolic faith, the apologist and the interpreter of which was the most revered saint in Abyssinia Abuna Tekla Haymanot. I consider it my duty to dwell on him at greater length.
The time of Tekla Haymanot coincides with the return of the imperial throne from the dynasty of Zagye to the dynasty of Solomon. According to Abyssinian sources, he was born in 1350 and died in 1443. Here is how the life of Saint Tekla Haymanot is described in Synkysar. The Abyssinian scholar Dabtara Sou Aganyekh translated Synkysar to the Amharic language and wrote it down for me.
Abuna Tekla Haymanot came from the tribe of Levi, from Azariya, a Jewish high priest, sent by Solomon to Abyssinia together with Menelik. The father of Tekla Haymanot, Tsara-Zaab, was a priest in the vicinity of Tisa in the province of Bulga, which belongs to Shoa. His mother was Egzioharaya. Both of them were married for a long time and had no children. At this time, King Matolome (in all probability not pagan, but Jewish) arrived from Damot and abducted the wife of Tsara-Zaab. He liked her and decided to marry her. On the way, he sent word to his people about his decision and ordered them to prepare a marriage feast with 10,000 oxen, 20,000 sheep, lots of injera, beer, and mead.
Egzioharaya cried day and night, and prayed to God and on the day of the wedding when she had already put on her wedding dress, she saw Archangel Michael with sword in hand. He took her to the church where at this time her husband was serving dinner. From church they returned home, and on this day she conceived a son, who was born after nine months and five days on the 24th of Tekhsas (December 19). They called him Tekla Haymanot. At the moment of his birth, light filled the whole house. On the third day, when they anointed the mother with oil, the whole house was filled with fragrance. In the third year, they sent Tekla Haymanot to church to study and in four years he was consecrated as a deacon. After this, he was consecrated as a monk — “put on monastic belt and hood” as the Abyssinians say. His spiritual lineage is as follows. Saint Anthony put on the hood and belt by order of Archangel Michael. Anthony ordained Aba Markariy, who ordained Aba Pakhomiy, who ordained Aba Aragaui, also known as Zamikael. Aba Aragaui ordained Aba Krystos Bezana. Krystos Bezana ordained Aba Maskal Moa. Aba Maskal Moa ordained Aba Iokhani, who ordained Iisus Moa, who ordained Abuna Tekla Haymanot.
At first, he was in Haik, then in Debra Damo, and then he founded the monastery of Debra Libanos, where he stayed to the end. His life story is filled with descriptions of miracles performed by him. Abyssinians claim that on his spine there were six wings, thanks to which he flew four times to Jerusalem. In four days, on his return for the third time from Jerusalem, he resurrected someone who had died twelve years before. In Damot, he in one day resurrected a thousand men. In Haik, he fasted for seven years, standing in one place without food and drink. In the sixth year, one of his legs broke and one wing was burnt by a wax candle, but he put a piece of wood under the leg and continued to stand. In the seventh year, he saw the Lord in the clouds. And the Lord told him to ask for whatever he wanted.
Tekla Haymanot asked for three things: first — for Ethiopia and all pious people who were there — that God forgive them, for his sake; second — for the monastery of Debra Libanos — that God illuminate the whole place where it stands; third — for the kings of Ethiopia from the family of Solomon — that God bless them and keep the throne in their hands. In four days at the end of his fast, he flew again to Jerusalem and, having returned from there to Debra Libanos, he extracted water from a stone with a cross, and to this day this spring has healing powers and masses of ill people, both Abyssinians and Gallas, gather there.
From this story it is evident how much the personality of Abuna Tekla Haymanot is legendary. It is known for certain that he was in holy orders ychygye — head of all monasteries, that he founded the monastery of Debra Libanos, and that he served as an apologist of the faith in the spirit of Orthodoxy. His relics to this day are preserved in un-decayed form and are greatly revered.
Thus we see in the Ethiopian church three successive influences: remnants of the original apostolic faith (the teaching of Tekla Haymanot), the extreme monophysitism of Eustaphy, and the moderate monophysitism of Dioskuros. In the sixteenth century, there appeared in addition the Catholic influence of Portuguese Jesuits. From this time, disputes of faith began in the Ethiopian church, which led to bloody wars.
Political questions became associated with questions of faith, and this or that dogma became the catchword of this or that party. At one time, Catholicism triumphed, but not for long. It was superseded by the extreme monophysitism of the Gojjam Eustaphiants, who believed the human nature in Christ is special and not material like other men. Eustaphiants were superseded by followers of the Debra Libanos doctrine, and they in their turn were replaced by Tigreans who were followers of Dioskuros, the so-called faith of the knife — Kara Haymanot. These last believe that the humanity in Jesus Christ is absorbed by his divinity.
The disputes in the Ethiopian church have been remarkably well described, the action of Catholic and Protestant missionaries has been well characterized, and the conditions of missionary work in Abyssinia have been recounted in a book by our well-known professor of the Ecclesiastical Academy, V. Bolotov — Some Pages from the Church History of Ethiopia, published in 1888. The only point for which I did not find confirmation is the belief in three births of Jesus Christ, which he attributes to the Debra Libanos doctrine, and his assertion this doctrine differs in this regard from the party of Kara Haymanot, which recognizes two births.
I have in my hands a Debra Libanos book of catechism, Emada Mistir, given to me by their ychygye. I spoke with many Debra Libanos scholars, and they all quite definitely told me that they recognize just two births. I suspect that they may have formerly believed in three births, and I think that the conclusion drawn by Mr. Bolotov from foreign sources, was, it must be, a mistake of the authors of those other works. The struggle of the three doctrines ended with the triumph of the Tigrean doctrine — Kara Haymanot or moderate monophysitism. Emperors Tewodros II and Yohannes IV professed this faith. Coptic bishops also were followers of that faith. Emperor Yohannes definitively gave this faith the upper hand. The doctrine of Eustaphy was judged heretical and ceased to exist any longer. (There are only secret adherents in Gojjam). The followers of the Debra Libanos doctrine — all Shoa — kept their former faith, so that now this question is in the following position. Under Yohannes, Menelik attended the council called by Yohannes to discuss the dogmas and formally joined the moderate Kara Haymanot monophysitism of the Tigreans. But in his soul, he remained a believer in the Debra Libanos doctrine. The Empress Taitu, who is very interested in questions of faith, since she is of Tigrean origin professes Tigrean monophysitism. Abunas, Coptic bishops, are monophysites.
All monks of the order of Abuna Tekla Haymanot (and now this is the only monastic order in Abyssinia), all Shoa, and the ychygye — all of them are followers of the Debra Libanos doctrine, professing if not complete diophysitism, then, in any case, very moderate monophysitism, which in its dogmas differs very little from Orthodoxy. Menelik doesn’t raise questions of faith, leaving them open. Since a numerous majority adhere to Debra Libanos and their clergy grow in strength, I think that the Debra Libanos doctrine is prevailing. The six demands which the church makes on a Christian are:
1) to go to mass on Sundays and holidays;
2) to fast on Wednesdays and Fridays for the duration of four fasts;
3) to confess once a year;
4) once a year, come what may, to receive the Eucharist;
5) to give alms; and
6) to not arrange feasts and not get married at unauthorized times.
The seven sacraments of the church are the following:
baptism — maternek,
anointing — miron,
receiving the Eucharist — kurban,
confession — manazaz,
extreme unction — kyba kedus,
entering priesthood — ekakhat shumat, and
marriage — bakhyg magbat.
The Holy Scripture includes 45 books of the Old Testament (Biluyat) and 36 books of the New Testament Hadisat). These 36 books are the following: 4 gospels, 8 synodic books (decrees of apostolic councils), 14 letters of Apostle Paul, 3 letters of John, 2 letters of Peter, 1 letter of James, 1 letter of Jude, the Acts of the Apostles, and decrees of two ecumenical councils.
In addition, books inspired by God include the essence of the works of John of Damascus [Golden Mouth], of Vassily [Basil] the Great, of Marisakhak, of Efrem, of Aragaui, of Manfasaui, and several others.
The collection of all the holy books of the Ethiopian Church is Synkysar. It looks like a huge calendar with saints and works of some of the fathers of the church corresponding to each day.
Each Abyssinian year has the name of one of the evangelists in order. The first year after leap year is Matthew, the second Mark, the Third Luke, and the fourth (leap year) is John. Their counting of years is eight years behind ours. Right now for them it is 1889 Matthew. They have 365 days in a year, except 366 in leap year. The year is divided into 12 months of 30 days each and, in addition, there is a remainder of 5 or 6 days. The year begins on September 1. There are monthly and annual holidays.
I’ll briefly describe their calendar:
September — Maskarem, 30 days
1st — Saints John Raguil, Iov, Bartholemew
5th — Abuna Gebra Hyyauat
6th — Aba Pataleon
7th — holiday of the Holy Trinity
10th — birth of George
11th — Hanna
12th — holiday of Archangel Michael
14th — Stephen
16th — Kidana Mykhrat
17th — Maskal (Holy Cross Day)
18th — Aba Eustatios
19th — Archangel Gabriel
21st — holiday of the Mother of God
23rd — holiday of George the Victorious
24th — holiday of Abuna Tekla Haymanot
25th — Mercury
27th — Madhani Alem (holiday of the salvation of the world)
29th — Baala Egziabeer (the Lord’s holiday)
30th — John
Tykymt, 30 days
4th — Abrekh-Atsebakh, king of Aksum (who had Ethiopia baptized)
5th — Abo (a highly revered saint)
6th — Pataleon
7th — holiday of the Holy Trinity
11th — Anna, Fasilyadas, Klavdiya [Claudia]
12th — holiday of Archangel Michael, Matthew the Evangelist
14th — Abuna Aragaui
17th — Stephen
21st — holiday of the Mother of God
22nd — Luke the Evangelist
23rd — holiday of George the Victorious
25th — Abuna Abib
27th — Madhani Alem (holiday of the salvation of the world), Aba Tekla Maryam
29th — Baalye Wald (holiday of the Son)
30th — John
Hedar, 30 days
1st — Raguil
6th — Kissakuan
7th — holiday of the Holy Trinity
8th — holiday of cherubim and seraphim
11th — Anna
12th — Michael
13th — legion of angels
15th — Minas
17th — Saint Waletta Petros
18th — Apostle Philip
21st — holiday of the Mother of God
23rd — holiday of George the Victorious
24th — heavenly host
25th — Mercury
26th — Samaatata Nagyran
27th — holiday of the salvation of the world
29th — holiday of the Son
Tekhsas, 30 days
1st — The prophet Ilya [Elijah]
4th — Apostle Andrew, Abuna Tekla Alfa
12th — Archangel Michael, Aba Samuil [Samuel]
15th — Aba Eustaphy
19th — Archangel Gabriel
21st — holiday of the Mother of God
22nd — Daksios
23rd — holiday of George the Victorious, David
24th — holiday of Abuna Tekla Haymanot
27th — holiday of the salvation of the world
28th — Gehenna
29th — birth of Christ [Christmas]
Tyr, 30 days
3rd — Libanos
4th — John the Thunderer
6th — Galilee
15th — Kirkos the Younger
18th — George the Victorious
21st — holiday of the Mother of God
29th — the Lord’s holiday
Ekatit, 30 days
8th — birth of Simeon
10th — Jacob [or James] Alfeev
16th — Kidana Mykhrat
21st — holiday of the Mother of God
29th — the Lord’s holiday
Magabit, 30 days
5th — Abuna Gebra Manfas Kedus
8th — Matthias, Haria
10th — the Lord’s cross
12th — Archangel Michael
21st — holiday of the Mother of God
23rd — death of George the Victorious
24th — holiday of Abuna Tekla Haymanot
29th — the Lord’s holiday
30th — Mark
Miazia, 30 days
7th — holiday of the Holy Trinity
12th — Archangel Michael
17th — Apostle James
19th — Archangel Gabriel
21st — holiday of the Mother of God
23rd — death of George the Victorious
24th — holiday of Abuna Tekla Haymanot
29th — the Lord’s holiday
30th — Mark
Gynbot, 30 days
1st — birth of the Mother of God; Yared, teacher of Ethiopia
5th — Abo
12th — Archangel Michael, John of Damascus [Golden Mouth], death of Abuna Tekla Haymanot
21st — holiday of the Mother of God
23rd, 24th, 25th — days of the holiday of the Mother of God
26th — Apostle Foma [Thomas?]
28th — Emmanuel
29th — holiday of the Son
Saniye, 30 days
8th — holiday of the Mother of God
12th — Archangel Michael, King Lalibala
20th — Hyntsata Biyeta
21st — holiday of the Mother of God
23rd — George the Victorious, Solomon
27th — salvation of the world
29th — the Lord’s holiday
30th — John
Hamlye, 30 days
2nd — Faddey [Thaddeus]
5th — Peter and Paul
7th — holiday of the Trinity
8th — Abuna Kiros, Abo
10th — Nathaniel
12th — Michael
17th — Aba Garema
18th — Jacob [or James]
19th — Archangel Gabriel
21st — holiday of the Mother of God
29th — the Lord’s holiday
Nakhasye, 30 days
1st — holiday of the Holy Virgin
3rd — Queen Sophia
10th — Council of 318 fathers of the church
11th — Anna
12th — Michael
13th — the Lord’s Transfiguration
16th — Felseta (Assumption of the Mother of God)
17th — death of George
18th, 19th, 20th, 21st — holiday of the Mother of God
23rd — George
24th — Abuna Tekla Haymanot
27th — salvation of the world
28th — Abraham, Isaac and Jacob
29th — the Lord’s holiday
30th — John
Pagume, 5 or 6 days
3rd — Archangel Raphael
Nine annual holidays of the Lord are the following: baptism [Epiphany], resurrection from the dead [Easter], Ascension, the descent of the Holy Spirit on the Apostles [Pentecost], Palm Sunday, birth of Christ [Christmas], Transfiguration, Feast of the Purification, and Holy Cross Day.
There are 33 holidays of the Mother of God.
Over the year, there are four major fasts which are comparable to ours in time and duration, except for Lent, which lasts for eight weeks. They also fast on Christmas Eve, Epiphany, and the day of the beheading of John the Baptist. Two weeks before Lent there is a minor fast, which lasts three days — Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday. In addition, they fast every Wednesday and Friday.
A fast consists of not eating meat, eggs, or milk. On usual Fridays and Wednesdays, those who are fasting do not eat anything until afternoon, and for Lent on Wednesdays and Fridays they do not eat anything until sunset. Ardently pious people do not eat anything at all on Fridays and Saturdays.
The Abyssinian church is very rich in holy traditions. For example, they have preserved the names of the two thieves crucified on the right and left sides of Christ. They are named Titos and Koridos. The name of the soldier who pierced Christ with a spear is Longinos. Anna, the mother of Mary, was the second wife of Ioakim, who inherited her from his brother. They consider, as far as I can understand, that James and John are relatives of Jesus Christ, children of the first wife of Joseph.
By tradition, the gall which they gave Christ to eat on the cross was the gall of an elephant.
The Abyssinian Creed is literally the same as ours. They do not make the sign of the cross during prayer. In those rare times when I saw them make the sign of the cross, they did so in the most diverse ways — courtiers with one finger raised high, squeezing the rest of the fingers in a fist, crossed from left to right; clergy who had been in Jerusalem crossed themselves in the Orthodox manner.
The worship service of the Abyssinians differs from ours.
Services are as follows: performing of the seven sacraments, midnight and morning vigils, and prayers. I did not see all the sacraments performed, and it was very hard for me to find reliable witnesses about the method of their performance.
Consecration to ecclesiastical rank is performed at the end of mass. The abuna (bishop) goes to the altar. (During this same mass he stands facing the king’s gates, beside the ychygye, to the right of the emperor). There he, apparently, lays hands on those to be consecrated. I’m afraid I am mistaken, but it seems that the whole ceremony of performing the sacrament consists only of this.
The sacrament of marriage consists of those who are betrothed receiving the Eucharist together. (I also do not guarantee that this ceremony is limited just to this).
The sacrament of confession consists of confessing one’s sins to a priest.
The sacrament of baptism consists of the parents of the infant, together with his god-parents, bringing him — if he is a boy, on the fortieth day, and if a girl on the eightieth day — to the church where he at first is baptized and anointed and then, after mass, receives the Eucharist. Judging by what one Abyssinian priest told me, the sacrament of baptism, is performed in the following manner: when the infant is brought into the church by his parents and by his godfather and godmother, the priest, serving together with a deacon, consecrates the water.
Before the consecration, they read the Creed; letters of Apostle Paul; the Gospels; the 50th, 68th and 123rd Psalms; and then the prayer of the Mother of God. The water is scented with incense spread with a censer and is blessed with a cross. Having taken the infant, the priest says, “I believe in one God the Father. I believe in one God the Son. I believe in one God the Holy Spirit.” Then the deacon, having taken the infant, bows with him down to earth three times in the primary directions of the world, saying: “I bow to the Father. I bow to the Son. I bow to the Holy Spirit.” Then they pour water on the infant three times, in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit. After the baptism, they anoint him with myrrh, just as among us, and then after mass they give the Eucharist.
Some writers assert that the Abyssinians consider it necessary to be baptized each year, and that this takes place on the Holiday of Baptism. This is totally wrong, since in their catechism and Creed it is definitely stated that baptism can be performed only once. This error was made because the pouring of holy Jordan water must have made the Jesuits think of baptism. I personally witnessed the blessing of water on the Holiday of Baptism, and a priest three times poured water on my head. But no one thought to consider this a ceremony of baptism.
The sacrament of Eucharist takes place during mass. Mass is called kedasye, and Eucharist is called kurban. They have 14 masses. These include masses of Jesus Christ, the Mother of God, and the twelve apostles; in addition to which, there are the liturgies of John of Damascus [Golden Mouth], Vassily [Basil] the Great, and Gregory the Theologian. The liturgy consists of only one part — the liturgy of the faithful. There are no liturgies of catechumen and offertory. The gifts are prepared at the end of the all-night [vespers and matins] mass. Communion bread is baked of leavened wheat dough in the form of large round flat cakes, the surface of which is notched into small squares with lengthwise and transverse cuts. They do not use wine. In its place, they moisten dried grapes and squeeze the juice from it. Grapes are obtained from Gondar. The wheat flour is ground at the church itself by some innocent boy. The liturgy must be served by no less than five clergymen — two priests and three deacons. There can be seven, nine, or 12 clergymen, but never less than five. The whole mass is sung by priests and deacons, without the participation of the choir. Only once, after the consecration of the holy gifts, when the prayer for the whole world is spoken, the choir sings Ekzio maren (Lord have mercy). The giving of the Eucharist is performed in both forms. At first one of the priests offers the body, having separated a square with his fingers. Then he offers the blood. The gifts are carried in by all the clergymen through the western doors.
On this occasion, a deacon rings a little bell and all fall on their knees. The gifts are also carried back out through the western doors.
The liturgy of John of Damascus [Golden Mouth] differs, as far as I could tell, from our liturgy of John of Damascus. First there is no liturgical prayer. In all probability the liturgical prayer is a later addition made by the Byzantine church. There is likewise no liturgy of the catechumen. As for the rest, apparently, there is much similarity to ours. At the consecration of the holy gifts, the clergymen mourn for the suffering and death of Jesus Christ. For the most part, the clergymen are completely carried away in spirit to the events they are mourning.
Matins together with the midnight service precede mass. The service begins at two to three o’clock in the morning and continues until sunrise, when mass begins. Kidan consists of the reading of books of the Old and New Testaments and singing by a choir of debtera.
At times, a priest and deacon go out from the altar with a censer and crosses. The Gospel is read by one of the priests. After mass, there is some kind of public prayer. All the priests and deacons who are serving go out from the altar with crosses and censer and stand silently in front of the king’s gates facing the people. A choir of debtera sings an improvisation in honor of the emperor, then in honor of the holiday, and in honor of the Holy Mother of God. For the most part, the alaka (father superior of the church) improvises; the choir repeats his words or sings the refrain haile (glory) or haleluya (hallelujah). If the improvisation is successful, then all those gathered round approve it, saying “Malkam, malkam” (“Good, good”). The singers get more and more enthusiastic.
They sing while swinging in beat with their whole body, ringing copper rattles and beating in time with staffs on the ground.
The movement becomes more and more energetic. The beating on drums becomes more frequent and louder. The singers leave their rattles and clap their hands. Some squat and act like ducks [pochards], describing a cross with the movement of their heads.
The priests, standing in front of the people, also sing. Some of the debtera go to the middle of the circle, making smooth and graceful steps and swinging a staff in time to the music. The oppressive heat becomes dreadful. Sweat pours in torrents from the singers. But all are terribly electrified. The religious enthusiasm is enormous. And there are not at this moment any other than purely religious sensations. But now the singing stops abruptly. One of the debtera goes around to all who are present and, dividing them into groups, designates to each a saint to whom to pray. He goes around thus several times until he has enumerated all the saints. After this, a priest says some prayers which end with the prayer “Our father” (Abuna zasamayat) and lets the people go. Leaving, each considers it his duty, just as when arriving, to kiss either an icon or the door of the church.
Many are inclined to condemn the Abyssinians for their “holy dance.” But in the form in which it takes place among them, there is nothing immoral about this dance. It is only an expression of the highest degree of religious enthusiasm.
Somewhere I read that the Spanish also have holy dances. Among the Abyssinians, the dances appear to be a legacy of paganism.
The worship service on major holidays differs from the usual one only in the greater length of the songs after mass. For christening, the church is carried in a tent to the Jordan and all the local inhabitants arrange themselves in a camp around it.
On Holy Cross Day, a religious procession is performed around six high, upright stacks of firewood, stuck into the ground, which are then set on fire at night.
The structure of the church itself is different among them from among us. The altar is in the middle of the church and looks like a separate square room or house. In some churches, the walls of the altar are painted with icons, on which the Abyssinians never give their saints black skin, but rather the color of the faces on the icons is always yellow. In the altar, there are four gates from the primary directions. Some altars only have three gates — northern, western, and southern.
Sometimes the gates are made double in each of the four primary directions. The credence [altar] is partitioned off with curtains. The gifts are always brought in and taken out through the west gates. Worshipers arrange themselves in the church in the following manner. In the capital, opposite the king’s gates to the left stands the emperor, to the right the abuna (bishop) and the ychygye (head of all monasteries). Behind them stands a choir of debtera. During mass, the father superior of the church stands right at the king’s gates; at the end of mass, he goes tothe choir. The men arrange themselves on the northern and western sides; the women on the southern, separated from the men by a curtain. And on the eastern side stand the priests and monks and those clergy who are not taking part in the choir.
There are always many men and women behind a fence. These are people who did not keep known rules and, considering themselves unclean, do not have the right to enter the church.
Holy vessels and church utensils used in the divine service are the following:
Communion cup — for the most part, a glass cup.
I did not see a patern.
The lamb is carried out on a large dish (what kind I was never able to find out). They carry it out covered with large silk shawls, just the same as they carried it out the day before a baptism, when the church moves into a tent. Then the Abyssinians call it tabot. Isn’t this the tabot mentioned by many who have written about Abyssinia, some of whom assert that it has the form of a box and others of a board? It seems to me most probable that the tabot among them plays the role of communion cloth and substitutes for the paten.
The church spoon is for the most part silver. There is no duplicate. They separate pieces of the lamb by finger.
The gifts are covered by large silk shawls.
The church utensils consist of parasols, censers, crosses, staffs, little bells, rattles, and drums. Parasols play a very important role. They are unfurled above the holy gifts. Little bells are rung when the holy gifts are carried in. The censer is very large, made of fretted copper with attached bells. During the exits, a deacon leaves with the cross, and a priest with a censer. They stand in front of the king’s doors, face to face and turn around one another three times, bowing. During this time, the priest swings the censer. The staff consists of a long cane stick with an iron or other kind of cane-head. It serves for resting the shoulders on it during the service. It is about two arshins [56 inches] long. The rattles are similar to a very long tuning fork; among its prongs on the transverse pivot are hung copper ringlets. Their drums are very long. They beat them with the palms of their hands, while sitting on the floor. On the roofs of churches, they make crosses out of ostrich eggs embedded on reeds. In recent times, in some churches there have appeared bells, but the Abyssinians still do not know how to ring them.
The clothing of priests consists of a long silk shirt; and over it, a silk chasuble, which extends to the knees, is worn on the shoulders. For the most part, there are hoods with tassels behind these chasubles. The dress of deacons is similar to that of priests, with the difference that priests’ heads are covered with muslin and the deacons’ heads are clean shaven. In ceremonial worship services, priests and deacons put silver, gilded headgear in the form of crowns on their heads. This headgear is in different shapes for deacons and for priests.
Those who perform the divine service are obliged to change all their clothes, and they do not have the right wear these clothes outside the church. They serve barefoot.
The ecclesiastical ranks of the Ethiopian church are as follows: deacon, kes (priest), komos, kiros, episkopos, papas, and likapapas.
The likapapas is the Alexandrian patriarch. The papas is the metropolitan, Abuna Mateos, one of the three abunas in Abyssinia.
Two abunas have the rank of episkopos — Abuna Petros and Abuna
Lukas. (At the time of Emperor Yohannes, Abuna Petros was the metropolitan). Ychygye Gebra Selassie has the rank of kiros.
All father superiors of monasteries and other high church figures have the rank of komos.
There are now three abunas in Abyssinia, of whom Mateos fulfills the duties of metropolitan and the others — Petros and Lukas — the duties of bishops. They arrived in Ethiopia at the time of Emperor Yohannes, together with a fourth abuna, Markos, who died. Emperor Yohannes intended to divide the whole empire into four kingdoms and to establish a diocese in each. The bishop of Tigre carried out the duties of a metropolitan, but with the ascension of Emperor Menelik, that duty shifted to the Shoa bishop. For each of these bishops, Yohannes paid the Alexandrian church 10,000 talers.
The duties of the bishops consist almost solely of ordaining for church posts. Sometimes during agitation over important church questions, the bishops send circular messages throughout the diocese. But this happens very rarely. In normal times, they live on their lands, rarely going to the capital. And when they do go to the capital, they are never at court, except for one occasion — the holiday of Maskal (Holy Cross Day). In case of need, the emperor himself goes to them.
The relationships of the bishops among themselves are strained. They openly do not agree with one another on many questions. For instance, Abuna Petros strongly condemns Abuna Mateos for taking money from those who are being ordained.
Relationships of the Abyssinian clergy to the abunas are very hostile. They call the abunas mercenaries. The current metropolitan by far does not stand on that moral height which is demanded by his high position. Nonetheless, he has great importance.
The highest church figure after the abunas is Ychygye Gebra Selassie. With the rank of kiros, he is the father superior of the monastery of Debra Libanos and is the head of all monasteries and the head of all monks of the order of Tekla Haymanot. This old man is a very sympathetic and is loved by all. He also serves as confessor of the emperor. From the very beginnings of Christianity in Abyssinia, an ychygye has existed together with abunas. Saint Abuna Tekla Haymanot was also ychygye. The ychygye owns large lands. They do not have the right to ordain those who perform the divine service. In Aksum, the father superior of the cathedral church there carries the title of nabr hyda. This title derives from High Priest Azariy, who was sent by Solomon together with Menelik. He has the rank of komos. His duty is to preserve the Ark of the Covenant, which was brought by Menelik from Jerusalem, as if it still existed to this day.
The father superior of all the churches in Gondar carries the title of akibe saat. He also has the rank of komos. The head priests in large monasteries are called kes hatse, They, just like mamhyry, who are the father superiors of these monasteries, have the rank of komos. Kes (priests) are ordained when they have reached maturity and are already married. Before ordination they undergo something like an examination. Priests must be married in the church ceremony; and in view of this, they all take as wife the very youngest girls. Deacons are boys from eight to twelve years old. Those who have been prepared for a clerical vocation, but then for various reasons are not ordained as priests nor as deacons and who do not become monks, stay in churches, constituting a special class reminiscent of ancient scribes. They are called debtera (scholars). Their duties in the church consist of singing. One of them is selected as the head of he church and of church property. He likewise designates who of the priests and deacons serves. (In this regard, they are extremely punctilious. Only those priests serve who are notable for their irreproachable behavior.)
Monasticism in Abyssinia is very widespread. Formerly, there were two orders: the order of Saint Tekla Haymanot and the order of Eustaphy. The latter was in Gojjam. But now this order apparently does not exist. There are monks who are itinerant, and others who live in the world, and others who live on the summits of cliffs in monasteries. There are also nuns.
Abyssinian monks are notable for their asceticism. In general, the clergy have many good qualities. They have a very strong influence on the people. They always take on the role of supporters of the weak and as peacemakers. Each church has the right of sanctuary. In civil relations, each church represents itself as an independent entity. Each church owns land, which is worked by its peasants and serfs. It is surrounded by a whole ecclesiastical settlement — all the priests, monks, debtera, and deacons who live at the church and are fed by its means. Each church has no less than 50 clergymen. All of this is administered by one of the debtera, called the “alaka.”
In the Ethiopian church there remain several vestiges of ancient Judaism. They circumcise children — boys at seven days, and girls at fourteen days. They only eat meat that has been slaughtered in a well-known way and, without fail, by a Christian. And they categorize animals clean and unclean.
There is almost no Abyssinian who has not dreamed about Jerusalem. Scarcely should a convenient occasion arise, and they would go there with joy — for the most part, without any means, dooming themselves to every hardship of the road. To bathe in the River Jordan, to drink the water of the Jordan, to bow down at the Lord’s tomb — that is the secret dream of almost every Abyssinian. In Jerusalem, they have a church and a monastery with it. I found there about 100 pilgrims. But the position of Abyssinians in Jerusalem is sad. They formerly stood at the entrance of the Armenian church and received some food-stuffs from it. They also had a cemetery in common with the Armenians.
On the grounds of the Alexandrian Copts, they built a church with their own money. In recent times, they separated themselves from the other churches and declared themselves to be independent. In view of this, the Armenians took away their cemetery, and the Copts do not let them into the church which they had built with their own means. The Abyssinians themselves do not have enough experience in the conduct of business with the Turkish government, which is extremely complicated due to the constant disputes of the various churches among themselves. The position of the Abyssinians is lamentable. They do not have their own representative, and none of the representatives of the other powers, who do not have direct orders to do so from their governments, will take care of the Abyssinians. Their material position is also very sad. They receive in all about 1000 rubles a year — 500 from the Emperor and 500 from Ras Makonnen. I dare say that Russia could, without damage to itself, take on the moral support of the Abyssinians in Jerusalem and render them strong material help. For this there is no need for concluding treaties, since any such treaty would be seen as a protectorate over Abyssinia. From what has been said above, it is evident that there are very few important differences in dogma between our church and the majority of Abyssinians. Therefore, the union of our churches is very possible in the not too distant future.
And in this sense, we must begin to influence Abyssinia from Jerusalem and not by sending missionaries to Abyssinia. This would arouse the sympathy of the people on our side, thanks to our support and care for them there in Jerusalem, where they above all need it. This would instantly be felt by all Abyssinia, after which it wouldn’t be hard for us to complete the rest. Likewise, those who want to prepare themselves for missionary activity in Abyssinia should study the Abyssinian language and their theology in Jerusalem. The union of the churches presents for the Abyssinian government a direct material interest. It would be much more advantageous and agreeable to them to have bishops supplied to them from Russia or even to have the ability to supply themselves, than to pay the Alexandrian patriarch tens of thousands of talers from their treasury.
By: Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis [ Enlarge ] Continuing the series of articles on the insightful documentation provided by the Russian Military Officer, Explorer, and Orthodox Monk in his books about his deeds and excursions, observations and explorations in Abyssinia (undertaken over three years 1896 — 1899), I herewith republish the chapter on the History of Abyssinia that Bulatovich knowingly calls ‘Ethiopia’ erroneously.
The lengthy text (5133 words) is a complete collection of Western academic mistakes and misperceptions based mainly, and very often exclusively, on Abyssinian unsubstantiated claims, racist fallacies, and paranoid lies. The only possible use of this chapter is to help highlight the traps existing in every academic approach to the subject of the totally reconstructed, absolutely discontinuous and utterly delusional Abyssinian History the main purpose of which has always been to serve as pretext, support and justification of racist, expansionist, colonial and tyrannical claims expressed by the world’s most heinous and vitriolic state: fake ‘Ethiopia’.
For this reason, to this text I will dedicate a separate article — refutation of the fallacies indiscriminately accepted by Bulatovich because of the diplomatic targets he pursued during his travel and exploration. In forthcoming articles, I will republish further parts of Bulatovich’s book, but herewith I make first available a recapitulation of the earlier fourteen (14) articles of the series.
All the Oromos, Ogadenis, Afars, Sidamas and others, who fight for their independence, and all the neighboring countries, not only Egypt and Sudan but also Somalia and Eritrea, which are threatened because of the evil, eschatological dreams of Greater Ethiopia, must study, understand and diffuse the insightful documentation available in this book, which was published by the Russian explorer before 110 years; in and by itself it constitutes good reason for the world to be preoccupied with the source of every regional trouble and instability: the Amhara and Tigray (Tewahedo) Monophysitic Abyssinians who rule tyrannically over the lands they invaded and the nations they subjugated.
Recapitulation
Earlier articles of the present series can be found here:
Selected and highlighted excerpts from a book — report published by a Russian explorer, military officer and monk, Alexander Bulatovich, who spent three years in Abyssinia, during the last decade of the 19th century. These excerpts undeniably testify to the Oromo genocide perpetrated by the invading Amhara and Tigray Abyssinian armies, and have therefore to be brought to the surface of political debate by the Oromo political and intellectual leaders at the local, regional and international levels.
Republishing further excerpts from Bulatovich’s book, I focused on the possible reasons for Russia’s failure as colonial power in the region. As reasons I identified an inherent Russian quantitative approach to the colonial process and an overall misperception of the past and the present of Asia and Africa, which is due to the Russian academic, intellectual and ideological acceptance of the Anglo-French Orientalism, a bunch of disciplines elaborated by the French and the English academia in order to mainly promote and diffuse an interpretation of data that would suit the interests of the Anglo-French Freemasonry, namely the driving force of the Paris and London regimes.
Another, longer, excerpt from Bulatovich’s ‘From Entotto to the River Baro’ which bears witness to the evil Amhara and Tigray plans of illegal occupation of the annexed lands and of tyrannical consolidation of the Abyssinian colonialism by means of settlements peremptorily implemented among the subjugated nations.
Three chapters dealing with Oromo national identity, religion and language. All the preconceived concepts of the colonial era are herewith present, thus leading Bulatovich to erroneous interpretations. Certainly, the Russian explorer was not a linguist, historian or historian of religions; more importantly, academic exploration was not the primary interest of his travel which was kind of diplomatic reconnaissance.
However, the chapter on the Oromo national character is greatly interesting because it demolishes the Ethiopianist myth of a supposed Ethiopian nation. There isn’t and there can’t be any Ethiopian nation other the one identified by the Ancient Greeks and Romans as located south of Egypt, which means the Ancient Kushites and Meroites of Sudan, who are the ancestors of today’s brotherly nations, the Oromos, the Sidamas and the Arabic-speaking Sudanese.
Further excerpts from the same volume of Bulatovich, providing with his description of the Abyssinians. Reporting accurately and truthfully, Bulatovich offered the Orthodox tsarist Russia’s top authorities a trustful portrait of the unclean and incestuous character of the pseudo-Christian Abyssinian society.
In just few paragraphs, he revealed a well hidden reality about the abysmal reality of the Abyssinian society, namely that, despite apparent faith similarities, the Amhara Tewahedo (Monophysitic) Abyssinians are not Christians; in fact, they constitute a desecrated society rejected by all Christian believers, because they practice a generalized fornication which is incompatible with the Christian creed, faith and principles.
With no family, there is no Christian society. As a matter of fact, Abyssinian eschatology is a corrupt system at the very antipodes of Christianity.
Further excerpts from the same volume of Bulatovich, providing with his description of the Abyssinians. Reporting accurately and truthfully, Bulatovich offered the Orthodox tsarist Russia’s top authorities a convincing presentation and analysis of how and why Abyssinian nobility does not exist — which consists in a formidable blow against the falsehood of the so-called Solomonic dynasty of Abyssinia, and their connection to the Ancient Hebrews. In fact, there has never been any post-Agaw Abyssinian ‘Kingdom’. The entire history of post-Agaw Abyssinia is a succession of uncivilized gangsters of incestuous origin, who were peremptorily called ‘noble men’, ‘kings’ or ‘emperors’; they were imposed as such to all the peoples and nations that, with Anglo-French permission and support, the Abyssinians invaded and subjugated.
Any incestuous ruler does not make a noble man, let alone king and emperor. In Ancient Assyria and Babylonia, these people were called “son of nobody”, and this exactly what all the anti-Christian, incestuous Abyssinian pseudo-kings have been. And wherever there is no noblesse, there cannot be any kingdom.
Chapters on the Ethiopian System of Government, the State Government and the Distribution of Land, the Police, the Judicial System and Procedure, the Law and Custom, the Crimes and Punishments, and the Economic Condition of the State — the Treasury.
Chapter on the Abyssinian army; this part of Bulatovich’s text is also very critical because it highlights (see the section: ‘Conduct of War’) the inhuman practices of environmental disaster spread by the criminal robbers and inhuman soldiers of the Abyssinian state, which supported by England and France, perpetrated the worst atrocities ever attested on African soil and the world’s most appalling and multifaceted genocide.
12th article
The Nile, Egypt, Sudan Menaced by Evil Prophecy, Secret Expansion Plan of Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia)
Chapter on Menelik’s family, the ‘family of the emperor’. This chapter is of great importance for the diplomatic and national security services of Egypt and the Sudan, because it reveals what the heinous and rancorous Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic (Tewahedo) Abyssinians try to hide; namely that the regime, the elites and the upper classes of these incestuous and barbarous tribes act based on a secret program (that they call ?prophecy? because of their sick, abnormal and perverse minds) to destroy Egypt and Sudan, and expand their cannibalistic tyranny throughout East Africa.
Chapter on the Sidamas and the African peoples. This part is full of inaccuracies, inconsistencies and wrong terms; it is clearly the topic Bulatovich explored less and had a most vague idea about. The reason is simple; he did not have the time for direct contact with any of them, being thus the victim of the customary and idiotic Amhara lies.
Chapter on the Abyssinian church and faith that Bulatovich erroneously names ‘Ethiopian’; the attribution of the national name of Ancient Kush (Sudan) to Abyssinia relates to the Axumite King Ezana’s partly invasion of Ethiopia and destruction of its capital, Meroe, ca. 360 — 365 CE. That event had however a partly and momentary character that does not justify any further use from any Abyssinian ruler because that country was always located out of the historical borders of real Ethiopia. This is the reason the modern state is called Fake Ethiopia; its right name is just Abyssinia.
Information originating from different sources is made available in this chapter. Accuracy, veracity and correctness depend on the source; certainly Bulatovich had indeed a very strong Russian Orthodox theological background and a vast knowledge about the History of Early Christianity and Christian Patristic Literature. Wherever information is offered throughout this chapter, coming from this earlier acquired knowledge, Bulatovich is correct and truthful. Wherever modern religious practices of the Abyssinians are referred to, Bulatovich as a perspicacious observer can also be trusted.
However, Bulatovich’s text is unreliable wherever one of the following themes is involved:
a) Abyssinian religious and political history of the Islamic Ages; historical falsifications, mythical and fanatic beliefs, subjects of popular religious traditions and interpretative efforts of the past,
b) Abyssinian theological exegesis and hermeneutics, and
c) subjects relevant to History of Religions.
I find however quite pertinent Bulatovich’s effort to identify each of the main Abyssinian theological systems as oscillating between duophysitism to extreme monophysitism.
What escapes totally from Bulatovich approach is an academic, impartial stance toward his subject, namely Abyssinia, Abyssinians, and their beliefs. The reason is simple; Bulatovich was not an academic working of his own but the envoy of tsarist Russia, and as such, he sought to find out points of rapprochement, chances of cooperation, and perspectives of a Christian Orthodox alliance against the English and the French colonials who reflected the deep anti-Russian, anti-Orthodox, and anti-Christian interests of Freemasonry. He went out of his way to discern possibilities of Russian help to the Abyssinian monks in Jerusalem!
Had he truly focused on the subject, Bulatovich would have realized that his best allies would be the Copts and the Muslims of Egypt. In fact, Bulatovich failure to take facts at face value has cost Russia as much as the case of the Armenians who, although neighboring with Russia and partly belonging to St Petersburg’s authority, were more effectively manipulated by Paris and London during WW I — to their terrible prejudice of course.
Ethiopia through Russian Eyes
An eye-witness account of the end of an era, 1896-98 consisting of two books by Alexander Bulatovich
An account of a trip to the southwestern regions of the Ethiopian Empire 1896-97 by Lieutenant of His Majesty’s Life-Guard Hussar Regiment Alexander Bulatovich
Originally published in St. Petersburg, 1897, Printed by V. Kirshbaum, 204 pages
Reissued in 1971 as part of the volume With the Armies of Menelik II, edited by I. S. Katsnelson of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the U.S.S.R.”Science” Publishing House Chief Editorial Staff of Oriental Literature Moscow 1971, entire book 352 pages, Entotto pp. 32-156
Translated by Richard Seltzer (from the 1971 edition)
History of Ethiopia
The name “Ethiopia,” which the Abyssinians give to their country, is a Greek word and in translation means “black face.” Homer called all of Central Africa “Ethiopia,” stretching from the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean to the Atlantic. Diodor the Sicilian distinguished three Ethiopias: Western — the Congo Basin, High — the present-day highlands of Ethiopia, and Eastern — which included the lower, east coast of Africa and South-Western Arabia.
In the history of Ethiopia, the following moments can be distinguished:
1. The period which preceded the Queen of Sheba. This period is almost completely unknown with regard to what is now Ethiopia, and apparently doesn’t have any connection with it.
2. The Queen of Sheba and the Solomonic 81 dynasty which followed her were displaced by King Del Noad of the Zagye dynasty in the year 901 A.D. According to the Abyssinian Tarika Negest, the Queen of Sheba, having heard about the greatness of Solomon, went to him and had by him a son named Menelik or Ybnakhakim.
There is much disagreement regarding the etymology of this word. Several believe that it derives from the Amharic words men which means “what” and alykh which means “you say.” In other words, “what you say or tell.” Others translate Menelik as “second I.” But the name Ybnakhakim, which is equivalent to Menelik, comes from the Arabic, and the most probable translation for that is “descended from a wise man.” Hakim — “wise” — was the Arabic name for Solomon.
The Queen of Sheba, Azyeb or the Southerner, also had many other names: Makeda and Nikola. The Abyssinians affirm that Aksum was her capital, but others say it was Yemen. There is also dissension among scholars on this question. Some, such as, for example, Patriarch Mendes and Bruce, 82 accept the legend about her journey to Solomon and consider her to be actually a queen of Aksum. Others (such as Pined) consider her to be an Arabian queen. Most probably, she ruled both present-day Ethiopia and the Arabian peninsula, at least part of the one and the other, since between Arabia and Ethiopia there was a close connection at that time, based on the continual migration of Semites to Africa.
The legend says further that Menelik, having come of age, was sent to Jerusalem. He was supposed to give Solomon gifts from his mother. Abyssinians have preserved the legend that at the time of his reception for the first time by Solomon, Solomon, wanting to test his son, stood in the ranks of his retinue, and on the throne placed one of his retainers. Menelik, although he had never seen his father, having first bowed to the man on the throne, did not give him the gifts, but rather began to search with his eyes among the retinue and, having finally seen Solomon, bowed to him.
He was very similar to his father and enjoyed great popularity. As a result of this, it is said that Solomon, having generously given him presents and many Levites, priests and children of many noble families, let him return to his homeland.
On leaving, Menelik, it is said, stole the Ark of the Covenant and one of the tablets of Moses.
He reigned under the name of David. He converted his whole people to Judaism and abolished idolatry in the country.
In the ninth year of the reign of Bazen, a king of this dynasty, Christ was born.
At the time of the fortieth king of this dynasty, Abrekh-Atsebakh, the light of Christian learning penetrated Abyssinia in the person of Saint Frumentius, called by the Abyssinians Aba Salama (343 A.D.)
From this dynasty in 521 A.D. there reigned King Kaleb who had undertaken a campaign against the Jewish King Zu-Nuvas, 83 well-known for his oppression of Christians of Nauad. Kaleb defeated Zu-Nuvas, and the Ethiopian kingdom was founded by the son of Kaleb, Abrekh, who then died at the siege of Mecca. His two sons were routed by the Persians and the kingdom was destroyed.
3. In 901 A.D. the Zagye dynasty was established and reigned until 1255 when on the imperial throne again appeared a king from the dynasty of Solomon thanks to the insistence of Saint Tekla Haymanot. The man who re-established the dynasty was Ikuna Amlak.
The most outstanding member of the dynasty of Zagye was King Lalibala, ranked by the Abyssinians as one of the saints. He is known as a builder of churches. Legend also attributes to him an attempt to divert the water of the Nile to the Red Sea.84
4. Beginning with Ikuna Amlak in the Tarika Negest more detailed descriptions make there appearance. This period, which continued until the invasion of Gran in 1534 A.D., is very similar to the Middle Ages in Europe. Apparently, in this era, the feudal system flourished. The king was only the first feudal lord of his kingdom. There existed individual land property of the gentry with hereditary rights and privileges.
From 1434 to 1468 Atye Zara Yakob reigned, and in his reign Ethiopia attained its highest brilliance of power and majesty.
He was an ardent Christian and was interested in church dogma. In his reign, a church council was convened, and the dogma was established about the Holy Trinity — one in nature and three in persons. The first relations with Europe were started by him.
At the time of the Florentine Council he wrote through Aba Nikodim, the father superior of the Abyssinian church in Jerusalem, a letter to Pope Eugene IV. He conquered Kaffa, Mocha, and Enareya and converted them to Christianity. According to tradition, he gave those lands their names. “Kaffa” comes from the word kefu which means “evil.” Mocha comes from mot, which means “death.” And Enareya in translation means “slaves,” since those who were conquered were turned to slaves.
After the death of Atye Zara Yakob, relations were opened with Portugal.
In Europe, the legend of “Prester John” circulated. He reigned somewhere in the East — in India or in Africa. The Portuguese King John sent John Covilha and Alfonso de Paiva to find him. The second died on the way, but the first reached Ethiopia, visited at the court of Atye Eskender and reported to his government that he had found “Prester John.”
When Eskender died, there ascended the throne the under-age Lebna Dengel, known by the name of David. His grandmother, Eleni, threatened from the east and the south by Mohammedans, sent Covilha with an Armenian named Matthew to the Portuguese King Dom Manuel with a request for help. In reply was sent a mission, consisting of Duarte Galvano, Rodrigo de Lima, Alvares and Bermudes. All of them, with the exception of Galvano, who died in the Kamaran Islands, reached David II in 1520.
The wars of Gran and the mission of Portuguese and Jesuits that took place then are sharply distinguished from the rest of the history of Ethiopia, almost constituting a separate epoch.
The Abyssinian Tarika Negest says almost nothing about these events. But Portuguese sources, and in particular Jeronimo Lobo (“Voyage historique d’Abyssinie”) 85, elucidates for us this epoch, which lasted from 1534 to 1635, when the Jesuits were expelled by Emperor Fatsilidas. 86
The embassy of Rodrigo de Lima and Alvares returned in 1526 and brought with them an Abyssinian monk — Saga za Ab or Christovl Likonat. Rodrigo carried with him a letter to the Portuguese king and Alvares carried one to the Pope. But in 1534 Gran appeared, and the frightened David sent Bermudes to the Portuguese king with a request for help and promise to adopt the Roman faith and give a third of his lands to the Portuguese.
King John III appointed Estevano da Gama, son of the famous Vasco da Gama, as viceroy of India. (“India” at that time was the name for all the eastern coast of Africa and present-day Abyssinia.)
He ordered him to destroy the Turkish and Arabian fleets in the Red Sea. He didn’t succeed in finding the Turkish fleet, and he put ashore 400 Portuguese under the command of Christovao da Gama (his brother) at Massawa. This landing of troops was very opportune since the Ethiopian empire was at that time in a critical position. Gran had for several years managed to put all of Abyssinia to fire and sword, beginning with Menjar and up to Aksum, which he torched and destroyed. But what kind of man was Gran and what were these hordes that came with him?
Lobo calls him a Moor from the cape of Guardafui and his horde also Moors (however, Portuguese called almost all Mohammedans “Moors.”) Bruce also calls his army “Moors.” In Portuguese sources he is called King of Adal and Emir of Zeila, and they conjecture that he was Somali. But how is this? In Lobo’s book, the entire east cost of the Gulf of Tajura is called Zeila, and nothing is mentioned of Harar, which at that time was a considerable city and an independent region. Evidently, he did not know about Harar. The province of Harar was originally populated by a people related by blood to Agau, Guragye and Kaffa — in other words, pre-Semitic inhabitants of the plateau.
Before their invasion into Ethiopia, the Galla occupied all the lands of Harar, and its surviving inhabitants gathered in one place and built the city of Harar and preserved their national independence up until that time. Both Galla and the people of Harar, who were close to the coast and consequently in the sphere of influence of Islam, were among the first to adopt Mohammedanism. According the unanimous traditions of the Abyssinians, Galla and people of Harar, Ahmad Gran was born close to Harar and was a Galla. The indication in history that he was king of Adal (the inhabitants of Aussa on the coast of the Gulf of Tajura, located to the north from the Somalis, are called Adalis) doesn’t prove anything, because, in all probability, he was the chief of the whole Mohammedan population, including Adalis and Somalis, and they, for a certainty, helped him in his campaigns. But the main part of his armies consisted of Galla.
This is demonstrated by the fact that all the conquered Abyssinian lands were settled by none other than the Galla — Galla of Wollo, Borena, and Tuluma. In the ranks of his armies were janissaries, Turkish riflemen and artillery, who were sent to him at his request after the defeat inflicted on him by the Portuguese. I give very little credence to the indication that the Adalis were armed with guns, since if in the last expedition of the Adalis to Aussa, instead of using Rozdan or Italian guns, they preferred to hang them on trees, then, I think all the more that, at that time, they were not capable of operating fire-arms.
The Portuguese who had landed were ceremoniously met by Eleni, who saw them as her saviors. The Emperor Galawdewos was at that time in Gondar. Da Gama went to him. At Belut the first battle with Gran took place, where 400 Portuguese, thanks to their fire-arms, completely crushed a many-times stronger enemy.
Nevertheless, in view of their small numbers, they were forced to spend the winter in Membret, surrounded by once again assembled hordes of Gran, to whom were now joined Turkish riflemen and artillery. In the battle that took place there, Christovao da Gama was killed, and the remaining Portuguese joined forces with Emperor Klavdiy in Damby. Gran went there and attacked Galawdewos, but the Portuguese Peter Lev killed him, and this decided the outcome of the battle and the Galla invasion. This happened in 1547.
Gran was an outstanding personality and to this day still lives in the memory of the people, who ascribe to him supernatural qualities. For example, they say that on the Chercher road a spring summoned forth from a stone by a stroke of Gran’s spear; and as evidence of that, they point to traces of his sword in the rock, etc. He was able to unite and direct toward a single general goal tribes that are extremely freedom-loving and independent, and of which, besides, some are completely different from others by their lineage and their language. The epoch of Gran threatened Abyssinia with terrible danger. But with his death, this danger went away, because neither before Gran nor after him was there a personality who could unite all these tribes together. Part of his forces went back, and part stayed on the conquered lands and engaged in raids against Abyssinians and civil war. In the south there continued a war of separate families for land, and the Galla, not stopping, a little at a time, gave way more and more to the west.
The despotism, exactingness, and lack of tact of the Portuguese meant that they could not excite sympathy toward themselves, and we see that discord began between Emperor Klavdiy and them, and that he expelled Patriarch Bermudes. But with this expulsion the pretensions of the Vatican on Ethiopia did not end.
We see a whole series of Catholic patriarchs of Ethiopia, a whole series of Jesuit missions, which busied themselves more with politics than faith, and relied more on the strength and prestige of Portugal than on their strength of persuasion. The results were the same as in the states of Europe — hatred of the people, civil war, plots, discord and finally the expulsion of the Jesuits. This was a significant period in the history of Abyssinia. Having started relations with Europe, freed by Europeans from ruin, Abyssinia was very close to complete unity with Europe, if only the Europeans had been a little more tactful and not so demanding. But instead of this, what happened was completely opposite. They had to save themselves from their saviors. And having learned such a lesson, the Abyssinians have been prejudiced against whites up until this time, and will be so even longer.
6. The epoch that followed this one, from 1635 to 1769, the year of the death of Atye Ayto Ioas,87 can be called the time of development of imperial power on the ground of the feudal system which had been destroyed by the Galla invasion. In this epoch was laid the foundation, which, completed by King Tewodros, would constitute the basis of today’s empire. This basis was the military organization of the empire and the fact that the well-being of everyone depended on the kindness of the emperor.
The native lands of the Abyssinians which had been conquered by the Galla were once again taken back by the emperors and, as if by right of conquest of new lands, were declared the property of the king. This produced a revolution in the life of the people. Up until that time in Abyssinia there existed class division: there were nobles, who owned land, and there were peasants, who worked half and half for large landholders. In this way a blow was dealt to the nobility, but the peasants continued to live in their former conditions, with this difference — that they became obligated for the land to the emperor himself. This revolution took place imperceptibly. At first only the legal situation was proclaimed — that all land belongs to the emperor. But by the smallest steps, little by little, lands were taken away and given to others. In addition, separate districts were formed which were responsible for some special service, for instance a district of spear carriers etc.
Each possesses a district on condition of known obligations to the empire. The small districts carried out the above named auxiliary service. Those that were more sizable were obliged to supply a known number of soldiers in time of mobilization. The number of soldiers depended on the size of the district.
In this manner, the old feudal system was completely destroyed, and a new foundation was established which gave the empire great strength. The population was divided into two parts. One went to the land on known conditions. The other grouped itself around the throne, the source of charity and prosperity, and placed all their hope in service to the emperor.
Around the emperors there formed a significant army, which they used more for the expansion of the boundaries of the empire than for internal wars, whereas before it had been the reverse. The army itself was almost obliged to conduct war, since without it there would be no means to satisfy its needs. Thus we see that the former citizens who took up arms only for self-defense, were turned into soldiers for whom war is a profession, and the hereditary feudal lords turned into non-hereditary polymarchs.
7. In this epoch the same cause which gave rise to the previous epoch now brought it down almost completely. This time, beginning with the death of Atye Ayto Ioas in 1769, continued to the accession to the throne of Emperor Tewodros II in 1855.
Due to the greatly increasing power of separate military leaders, civil wars occurred in the country. The strongest of the military leaders captured Begamedyr and crowned his pretender to the throne from the house of Solomon, having forced him to proclaim himself “Ras Bituaded.” And Begamedyr ruled the empire under this title. Among these Bituadeds was the remarkable dynasty of Ras Guksa. Guksa was the grandson of Ali the Great, a Galla Mohammedan, chief of the Iju tribe. 88 The descendants of Guksa for a long time disposed of the throne of Ethiopia by their arbitrary rule.
The reign of Tewodros II 89 marked the beginning of the revival of imperial power, which has now attained its apogee.
I am not going to enlarge upon the reigns of Tewodros II and Yohannes IV 90. In general outline, these reigns are well known to all, and in detail each of them could be the subject of a separate work. I will stop only at the history of the accession to the throne of Emperor Menelik and several years of his reign.
Menelik was the son of the Shoan Negus Haile Malakot, grandson of Sahle Selassie,91 (patron of Europeans) who is well known from the works of d’Hericourt.92 He traces his family from Solomon.
The kingdom of Shoa, separated from the rest of Ethiopia by Gallas of Wollo, kept its independence and ancient traditions and peacefully prospered while the rest of Ethiopia was torn apart with civil wars. Originally, the ruler of Shoa, one of the sons of Zara Yakob, had the title of meridazmatch.93 With the fall of imperial power, the meridazmatches of Shoa took the title of negus and declared themselves independent. Emperor Tewodros, having set his sights on uniting and restoring the empire, launched a campaign against Haile Malakot, the king of Shoa. In 1856, the Shoans were beaten, Haile Malakot was killed and the government of Shoa was given to the brother of Haile Malakot, Ato Ayale,94 with the title of meridazmatch. Eleven-year-old Menelik (who was born in 1845)95 was taken prisoner together with all the remaining relatives of Haile Malakot.
As soon as Tewodros went away, a brother of Ato Ayale who had fled, Ato Seyfu united with Ato Bezaby 96 and went against Ayale.
They defeated him and divided Shoa among themselves. But four years later, Tewodros returned to punish the rebels. Ato Bezaby was able to obtain pardon and gain the confidence of Tewodros, but Ato Seyfu fled and was killed. The government of the whole kingdom of Shoa was given to Ato Bezaby, who ruled until 1866, the time of the return of Menelik. That year, 20-year-old Menelik fled with only one slave Wolda Tadik (now Azzaj WoldaTadik, ruler of Ankober) to the ruler of Wollo. The son of thatruler was at that time in captivity at Tewodros’, and he, intending to do Tewodros a service and mitigate the lot of his son, put Menelik, who had come to him, in chains and decided to give him to the emperor. At this time news arrived that his son had been executed. In revenge for this, he freed Menelik and with honors and an escort sent him to Ankober.
Menelik ceremoniously entered there and was accepted by the populace as the legal king. The cruelty and injustice of Ato Bezaby for the time when he governed the region succeeded in setting the whole population against him. Around Menelik quickly gathered the former soldiers of his father and grandfather, and he declared himself negus. Having learned of all this, Ato Bezaby, who has at that time at the borders of Shoa, hastened to Ankober with his whole army, but the day before the battle all the soldiers wentover to the side of Menelik. Bezaby was taken prisoner and the negus, having forced him to pay a fine of 2000 talers for “disrespect to the legal king,” pardoned him. Regarding this episode, I heard the following story, that on the day of battle not accompanied by anyone, Menelik set out for the enemy side; and that with a speech, in which he declared himself the legal king and gave himself into their hands, he drew them all to his side. Later Bezaby again rebelled and paid for it by dying. In 1868 Magdala fell and King Tewodros killed himself.
After a short interregnum the Tigrean Dajazmatch Kassa ascended the throne and was crowned in 1872 under the name of Yohannes IV. Negus Menelik at first did not recognize him and in the year of his accession to the throne wrote a letter to the English resident in Aden, explaining his legal right to the imperial throne. In 1881 Emperor Yohannes, pursuing, as had Tewodros, the idea of uniting and restoring the empire, went against Menelik. The matter did not reach a battle, since Menelik, having secured beforehand the consent of Yohannes, went to him at his camp with an expression of submissiveness — a stone around his neck. Yohannes pardoned him and confirmed him in kingly dignity.
The personality of Emperor Yohannes was in the highest degree remarkable. He was a Christian fanatic and made up his mind not to have any Moslems among his subjects. He forcibly converted them to Christianity. Just as Tewodros, he dreamed of the restoration of the greatness of the Ethiopian empire. He intended for the empire to consist of four kingdoms: Tigre, Gojjam, Wollo, and Shoa. In each kingdom he intended to have a separate bishop and to this end he sent for four abunas from Alexandria, paying 10,000 talers for each. In 1881 he, with this aim, crowned as the Gojjam negus Ras Adalya, who took the name of Negus Tekla Haymanot. But the great plans of Emperor Yohannes were not destined to come true. In 1889 he was accidentally killed at the siege of Metamma.
At that time Menelik, supported by Italy, had put together a conspiracy with Negus Tekla Haymanot against Yohannes. Relations of Menelik with Europe began from the very first year of his rise to the throne of Shoa. When Italy took Assaba there started up the most lively relations between him and it.
Having aroused his ambitious intentions, Italy thought to raise Menelik against Yohannes and having divided them to conquer them, separately, following the principle of “divide et impera” [divide and conquer.]
The Red Sea coast belonged to Ethiopia up until the seventeenth century. But with the loss of a large part of its lands at the time of the Galla invasion it also lost the coastal region. In 1557 Massawa was taken by the Turks where gave it to the Egyptians in 1866. In 1869 the Italian steamship company Rubatino bought from the Adal Sultan of Rakheyta, Beregan, the port of Assaba with adjacent territory up to Rakheyta, and in 1879 gave all this to the Italian government.
From this time there were engendered in Italy interests in Eastern Africa, and Italy used every chance to expand its possessions. In 1881 a convention was concluded with Beregan, the Sultan of Rakheyta, concerning the mission of the Italian protectorate (perhaps this convention was just as hollow as the Treaty of Wichale). On March 15, 1883, a treaty was concluded with the Aussa Sultan about free transport of goods through his possessions. On May 22 1883 a commercial treaty was concluded with Menelik, negus of Shoa. In 1885, the Egyptians abandoned Massawa and their possessions on the eastern shore, and Massawa was slowly taken by Italy. The new possessions received the name of the Eritrean Colony, and with this was laid the beginning of the struggle between Italy and Abyssinia which so tragically ended for Italy last year.
Italy was extremely interested in these new acquisitions. Diplomatic ties were begun with Ethiopia. A whole series of travelers set out to study the country, and many of them paid for it with their life (Jullietti was killed in 1881, Bianchi was killed in 1884, Count Porro, Chiarini). 97 Ambitious plans were engendered in Italy.
In 1887 the first catastrophe happened. Considering the seizure of the territory adjacent to Massawa an encroachment on his rights, Emperor Yohannes sent his best military leader, Ras Alulu, who at Dogali destroyed an entire Italian detachment of 500 men. This led to the equipping that same year of an entire expedition which without opposition took Saati in 1888.
An Italian diplomat, Count Antonelli, energetically worked at this time to sow discord and civil war in the country. They incited Menelik against Yohannes, promised him support and supplied him with arms. They also tried to incite the Gojjam Negus to revolt. In 1888 the Sultan of Aussa accepted the protectorate of Italy.
Negus Menelik, who for a long time had felt his dependence on the emperor as a burden, conspired against the Emperor Yohannes, having agreed to act together with the Gojjam Negus Tekla Haymanot. Emperor Yohannes, having found out about this, wrote insulting letters to both of them with the threat of punishing them. But his position was difficult. Enemies surrounded him from all sides. Having left the Italians, Yohannes went against the Gojjam King and forced him to submit again. Having finished with him, Yohannes wanted to deal the same with his second opponent, Menelik, but at this time in the west dervishes swept into Galabat, and Yohannes, putting off the punishment of Menelik for another time, proceeded against them, where he was killed at the siege of Metamma on March 11, 1889.
When he received news of the death of Yohannes, Menelik immediately went to Gondar where he was crowned emperor. Between him and Negus Tekla Haymanot, who also had a claim on the imperial throne, civil war broke out, which ended in the complete victory of Menelik, who took from his opponent almost all the land to the south of the Abbay River and left him only his native possessions.
Ras Zaudi was appointed Ras Bituaded in Begamedyr, but he soon conspired against Menelik. At first, it seemed that everything favored Zaudi, but at the decisive minute the troops went over to the side of their legal king. Zaudi was captured, put in chains and to this time still lives on one of the mountains in Ankober.
The government of Menelik was distinguished for its justice, restraint, lawfulness and concern for the people and the army.
The war cry of his soldiers: Aba Danya — “father judge” (the name of his horse) — serves as his best character reference.
For the soldiers he did not grudge them money nor food and tirelessly tried to obtain as many more guns as he could. His popularity was very high, and the number of his troops grew. He divided them into regiments of 1000 men each, and gave them to rulers in the outlying districts, to ensure against rebellion by those rulers. His reign was marked by continuous wars against the Gallas and constant expansion of territory. He had some outstanding military leaders: Ras Gobana, Fitaurari Gabayu and several others. Ras Gobana is now a legendary personality in Abyssinia. He was a Galla, a remarkable cavalryman, an outstanding athlete and courageous man. He conquered for Menelik all the Galla lands to the west from Entotto to Beni-Shangul and to the southwest to the River Baro, to the east and south together with the Emperor he conquered Harar, Arussi and Guragye.
He died in 1890 as a result of an accidental fall from a horse during a game of guks. Arussi was conquered in 1886. In 1887 in a battle at Chialanko, Emir Abdulakhi was defeated; and a result of his defeat was the annexation of Harar. In 1892 Walamo was subdued. In 1896 Menelik covered himself with glory at Adowa and showed Europe that such was the present-day Ethiopia and such is her power.
But we will turn to a continuation of the history of the relations of Menelik with Italy. Making use of the troubled times, of the change of regimes, the Italians tried to seize as much land as they could, and succeeded in doing so. In the year that Menelik ascended the imperial throne, they concluded with him the Treaty of Wichale. That is so well known that I won’t say anything further about it.98
The friendship of Italy, which at first was advantageous for Menelik, now became a burden for him, thanks to the claims and seizures of the Italians. Relations quickly changed for the worse and ended in an open break and war. At this time another power, interested in the failure and weakening of Italy — France — appeared to help Menelik. France also owned the coast of the Red Sea which was closest to Shoa and Harar. In 1862, Frenchmen bought Oboka. In 1884 established a protectorate over the Somali coast of the Gulf of Tajura from Ras-Dumeyra (to the south of Rakheyta) to the well of Hadu (to the south from Jibuti). In 1888 the spheres of influence were demarcated between France and England. In 1886 was established the governorship of Oboka and the Somali coast, and from this time France had active official relations with Abyssinia, vigilantly and jealously following its politics.
The help of France to Menelik at the time of his struggle with Italy consisted of admission and delivery of firearms. We know how this struggle ended. We are familiar with its details. And the war that followed is fresh in our memory.
From this short outline we see that the history of Ethiopia is one of continual war with both internal and external enemies.
The basis of imperial power can only be actual military strength, and on the army as on a foundation, has been built all the rest of the edifice of the Ethiopian Empire. What kind of an army is this?
Footnotes to Entotto
B: = Bulatovich, author K: = Katsnelson, editor of the Russian reprint S: = Seltzer, translator
81 K: Here and farther on, A.K. Bulatovich tells legends which do not have anything in common with historical reality and which evidently arose in the surroundings of the Ethiopian clergy, who wanted to sanctify the origin of the Ethiopian state and of the ruling dynasty with the help of Biblical tradition.
82 K: J. Bruce (1730-1794), a well-known traveler in Africa, was Scottish in origin. He explored the coast of the Red Sea and Ethiopia, and spent time in the Sudan and other countries. IN 1770 he discovered Lake Tana and the source of the Blue Nile. His description of his travels has been published many times (J. Bruce, Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile in the Years 1768-1773, volumes 1-8, third edition, Edinburgh, 1813).
83 K: A.K. Bulatovich uses an unusual transcription system for proper names. He is talking about the Hamitic king Zu-Nuvas, who adopted Judaism under the name of Joseph.
84 K: The project of Lalibala is explained by the desire to deprive Egypt of water, to doom it to starvation.
85 K: Jeronimo Lobo, Historia de Etiopia, Coimbre, 1669.
86 K: Fatsilidas ruled from 1632 to 1667.
87 K: Ioas I (Adyam Sagad III) ruled from 1755 to 1769.
88 K: The Iju tride, more precisely the Ittu, belongs to the eastern Galla.
89 K: Tewodros II reigned from 1855-1868. The politics of Tewodros II, which were directed toward the centralization of the country, aroused the discontent of the feudal lords and acted against the colonization intentions of England. Having seized on the murder of Consul Cameron and of several Europeans, the English in 1867 disembarked in the Port of Zeila and besieged Fort Mardalu, where Tewodros II was seeking refuge. Seeing no escape from the situation that had arisen, he shot himself.
90 K: Yohannes IV (1868-1889) was a protege of England. Incited by England, he went to war with the Mahdists and was killed in battle.
91 K: Sahle Selassie, the ruler of Shoa (1813-1847), was the grandfather of Menelik II.
92 K: C.E.X. Rochet d’Hericourt, a French traveler, twice visited Ethiopia and gave special attention to the region of Shoa. (See his works: Voyage sur la cote orientale de la Mer Rouge dans la pays d’Adal et le royaume de Choa, Paris, 1841; Second voyage sur les deux rives de la Mer Rouge dans le pays des Adels et le royaume de Choa, Paris1846).
93 K: Meridazmatch, more precisely meredazmatch (from meredi “he who compels to tremble” and azmatch “warrior”) is a title which was conferred on the commander of the reserve corps.
94 K: Ato Ayale (Haile Mikael) was the son of Sahle Selassie and uncle of Menelik II.
95 K: Menelik II was born on June 18, 1844.
96 K: Abagach Bezabe was a pretender to the throne of Shoa. Abagach, “father of the army on campaign,” is a title which was given to the commander of the army or the ruler of a border region (in this case it corresponded excellently with “margrave.”) Bezabe was appointed by Emperor Tewodros. Regarding these events, see: Guebre Sellassie, Chronique du regne de Menelik II, roi des rois d’Ethiopie, volume 1, Paris, 1930, pages 86-106.
97 K: D. Porro and his fellow travelers were killed in the spring of 1886 on order of the ruler of Harar. Chiarini died in 1979.
98 K: For the official diplomatic documents see: C. Rossetti, Storia diplomatica dell’ Etiopia durante il regno di Menelik II, Torino, 1910.
By: Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis [ Enlarge ] Continuing the series of articles on the insightful documentation provided by the Russian Military Officer, Explorer, and Orthodox Monk in his books about his deeds and excursions, observations and explorations in Abyssinia (undertaken over three years 1896 ? 1899), I herewith republish the chapter on the family of the emperor.
This chapter is of great importance for the diplomatic and national security services of Egypt and the Sudan, because it reveals what the heinous and rancorous Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic (Tewahedo) Abyssinians try to hide; namely that the regime, the elites and the upper classes of these incestuous and barbarous tribes act based on a secret program (that they call “prophecy” because of their sick, abnormal and perverse minds) to destroy Egypt and Sudan, and expand their cannibalistic tyranny throughout East Africa.
Their Satanic hatred of Islam, their devotion to Satan, the master of their incestuous and lawless society, and their desire to expand their rule throughout Eastern Africa is highlighted in the following excerpt:
“In one of the prophecies of Raguil to Atye Zadyngylyu (he received revelations in his sleep and then wrote them down), it is said that a king from the north will be with a king of Ethiopia one in spirit and one in heart. In another prophecy of Angel Auriel to Sahle Selassie, it is said that a king of the north and of Jerusalem will meet with a king of Ethiopia in Mysyr (Egypt) and will conquer Egypt. After this, they will divide among them all the land”.
This chapter testifies to the monstrous and inhuman character and nature of the genocidal Abyssinian state; taking into consideration that the text was not written by an objective academic and an impartial political philosopher but by the last tsar’s envoy, who had also the task to damage the Abyssinian – English relations and increase Russia’s influence in the area whereby the tiny Abyssinian state was allowed by France and England to expand criminally and colonially, one can realize through the lines of the text the extent of the inhumanity and the evil deeds perpetrated by the monsters of Abyssinia over the invaded lands. I will republish further parts of Bulatovich’s book in forthcoming articles, but herewith I make first available a recapitulation of the earlier articles of the series.
All the Oromos, Ogadenis, Afars, Sidamas and others, who fight for their independence, and all the neighboring countries, not only Egypt and Sudan but also Somalia and Eritrea, which are threatened because of the evil, eschatological dreams of Greater Ethiopia, must study, understand and diffuse the insightful documentation available in this book, which was published by the Russian explorer before 110 years; in and by itself it constitutes good reason for the world to be preoccupied with the source of every regional trouble and instability: the Amhara and Tigray (Tewahedo) Monophysitic Abyssinians who rule tyrannically over the lands they invaded and the nations they subjugated.
The fact that the Abyssinians lawlessly and unhistorically have usurped the name of Ethiopia which belongs to Sudan and to the Kushitic African nations, like the Oromos, is only the top of the iceberg. They did so in order to falsely claim what is not theirs, and what has never been theirs: the Nile and the lands that the great river crosses.
Recapitulation
Earlier articles of the present series can be found here:
Selected and highlighted excerpts from a book ? report published by a Russian explorer, military officer and monk, Alexander Bulatovich, who spent three years in Abyssinia, during the last decade of the 19th century. These excerpts undeniably testify to the Oromo genocide perpetrated by the invading Amhara and Tigray Abyssinian armies, and have therefore to be brought to the surface of political debate by the Oromo political and intellectual leaders at the local, regional and international levels.
Republishing further excerpts from Bulatovich’s book, I focused on the possible reasons for Russia’s failure as colonial power in the region. As reasons I identified an inherent Russian quantitative approach to the colonial process and an overall misperception of the past and the present of Asia and Africa, which is due to the Russian academic, intellectual and ideological acceptance of the Anglo-French Orientalism, a bunch of disciplines elaborated by the French and the English academia in order to mainly promote and diffuse an interpretation of data that would suit the interests of the Anglo-French Freemasonry, namely the driving force of the Paris and London regimes.
Another, longer, excerpt from Bulatovich’s ‘From Entotto to the River Baro’ which bears witness to the evil Amhara and Tigray plans of illegal occupation of the annexed lands and of tyrannical consolidation of the Abyssinian colonialism by means of settlements peremptorily implemented among the subjugated nations.
Two more excerpts that focus on the Oromo society, namely ‘Galla Clothing’ and ‘Galla Family Life’. The text itself proves that Bulatovich came to get most of the details indirectly, and in this case his treatise is conditioned by the evident lack of access to the original source of information. Sometimes, Bulatovich insists on a wrong term; although he knows that the correct name of the subjugated nation is Oromo, he keeps calling them Galla. Furthermore, Arsi becomes Arussi, and Waaqo turns out to be Wak.
Three chapters dealing with Oromo national identity, religion and language. All the preconceived concepts of the colonial era are herewith present, thus leading Bulatovich to erroneous interpretations. Certainly, the Russian explorer was not a linguist, historian or historian of religions; more importantly, academic exploration was not the primary interest of his travel which was kind of diplomatic reconnaissance. In fact, Bulatovich viewed the Oromos, the Sidamas, the Kaffas, the Amharas and the other nations that he encountered in his travel as the outcome of an interaction occurred at his lifetime with no past! Attempting to explain the origins and the nature of Oromo festivals like that of Borenticha, he never imagined that the closest possible parallel could be that of the Khonsu festival in Ancient Egypt, which took place in May and had a genuinely apotropaic character.
However, the chapter on the Oromo national character is greatly interesting because it demolishes the Ethiopianist myth of a supposed Ethiopian nation. There isn’t and there can’t be any Ethiopian nation other the one identified by the Ancient Greeks and Romans as located south of Egypt, which means the Ancient Kushites and Meroites of Sudan, who are the ancestors of today’s brotherly nations, the Oromos, the Sidamas and the Arabic-speaking Sudanese.
By describing the traits of the Oromos and by clearly indicating that they are diametrically opposed to those of the Amharas (discussed in another chapter of his book that I will republish in a forthcoming article), Bulatoovich destroys the myth of possible Oromo ? Amhara connection and/or affinity.
No common tradition, trait, quality, attribute or interest has ever existed between Africa’s most opposite groups: the indigenous, ancient and authentically Kushitic Oromos and the alien, Yemenite, a-historical and incestuous Amharas.
Further excerpts from the same volume of Bulatovich, providing with his description of the Abyssinians. Reporting accurately and truthfully, Bulatovich offered the Orthodox tsarist Russia’s top authorities a trustful portrait of the unclean and incestuous character of the pseudo-Christian Abyssinian society.
In just few paragraphs, he revealed a well hidden reality about the abysmal reality of the Abyssinian society, namely that, despite apparent faith similarities, the Amhara Tewahedo (Monophysitic) Abyssinians are not Christians; in fact, they constitute a desecrated society rejected by all Christian believers, because they practice a generalized fornication which is incompatible with the Christian creed, faith and principles.
The true barbarous identity of the Amharas is revealed in the chapter on the Abyssinian family that Bulatovich found it necessary to elaborate and submit to the top Russian imperial authorities. In fact, there is no family in the Amhara society whereby an extensive fornication has been imposed by the pseudo-Christian monks. This filthy and barbaric practice makes of the Amhara society the outcast of the Mankind and the embodiment of the savages.
With no family, there is no Christian society. As a matter of fact, Abyssinian eschatology is a corrupt system at the very antipodes of Christianity. Their fake Jesus is the Antichrist mentioned in John’s Revelation, and their eschatological aspirations about another, fake Zion in their dirty and fake Ethiopia apply to a society deprived of marriage and forced into fornication.
It is only for the needs of the Anti-Islamic plot of the Anglo-French Freemasonry and the Zionist movement that the Abyssinians are widely but erroneously considered as Christians.
Further excerpts from the same volume of Bulatovich, providing with his description of the Abyssinians. Reporting accurately and truthfully, Bulatovich offered the Orthodox tsarist Russia’s top authorities a convincing presentation and analysis of how and why Abyssinian nobility does not exist ? which consists in a formidable blow against the falsehood of the so-called Solomonic dynasty of Abyssinia, and their connection to the Ancient Hebrews. In fact, there has never been any post-Agaw Abyssinian ‘Kingdom’
The Abyssinian social practice makes it impossible for a king, a dynasty, and a royalty to truly exist. In fact, the expression “Abyssinian kingdom”, referring to practices attested after the fall the Kushitic Agaw political power, is the world’s most obnoxious joke.
Not a single noble man, king or emperor has ever existed in the coarse and incestuous Abyssinian society. From Yekuno Amlak (the lewd, filthy, barefoot murderer of the last Agaw Chritian king Yetbarak) to Haile Selassie there has never been any emperor, any king, and ? more critically ? any nobleman in Abyssinia.
The entire history of post-Agaw Abyssinia is a succession of uncivilized gangsters of incestuous origin, who were peremptorily called ‘noble men’, ‘kings’ or ‘emperors’; they were imposed as such to all the peoples and nations that, with Anglo-French permission and support, the Abyssinians invaded and subjugated.
Of course, all the subjugated nations preserved their noble character and rejected the Amhara fallacy, fornication and barbarism. The memory of their noble past is still alive among them. They remember that as late as the mid 19th century, the Hadiya King rejected to meet the filthy trash that impersonated the Abyssinian “king”. Fornication, incest and prostitution are totally out of nobility and royalty.
This is something the Abyssinians will never understand.
It is essential now to explain why there cannot be any ‘noble men’, ‘kings’ or ‘emperors’ among the Abyssinians.
Due to the absolute lack of family in the Amhara society, as I already exposed in an earlier article (see below), there is no chance for a noblesse to come to existence.
The Abyssinian ‘noble men’ are rubbish collectors called ‘noble men’. Nothing more!
The Abyssinian ‘kings’ are filthy barefoot beggars called ‘kings’. Nothing more!
The Abyssinian ‘emperors’ are dirty beasts called ‘emperors’. Nothing more!
Any incestuous ruler does not make a noble man, let alone king and emperor. In Ancient Assyria and Babylonia, these people were called “son of nobody”, and this exactly what all the anti-Christian, incestuous Abyssinian pseudo-kings have been.
And wherever there is no noblesse, there cannot be any kingdom.
The history of a country whereby incestuous rulers are shamelessly called “kings” and/or “emperors” is not the history of a kingdom or an empire; it’s the history of an incestuous society ruled tyrannically by barbarous and blasphemous rulers.
The history of the Abyssinian states over the past 700 years is therefore the sub-history of an ignoble and monstrous society plunged in incest and fornication.
Abyssinia is nothing more than blasphemy and sacrilege; at a later stage, they added genocide.
Chapters on the Ethiopian System of Government, the State Government and the Distribution of Land, the Police, the Judicial System and Procedure, the Law and Custom, the Crimes and Punishments, and the Economic Condition of the State ? the Treasury
Chapter on the Abyssinian army; this part of Bulatovich?s text is also very critical because it highlights (see the section: ‘Conduct of War?) the inhuman practices of environmental disaster spread by the criminal robbers and inhuman soldiers of the Abyssinian state, which supported by England and France, perpetrated the worst atrocities ever attested on African soil and the world?s most appalling and multifaceted genocide.
Ethiopia through Russian Eyes
An eye-witness account of the end of an era, 1896-98 consisting of two books by Alexander Bulatovich
An account of a trip to the southwestern regions of the Ethiopian Empire 1896-97 by Lieutenant of His Majesty’s Life-Guard Hussar Regiment Alexander Bulatovich
Originally published in St. Petersburg, 1897, Printed by V. Kirshbaum, 204 pages
Reissued in 1971 as part of the volume With the Armies of Menelik II, edited by I. S. Katsnelson of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the U.S.S.R.”Science” Publishing House Chief Editorial Staff of Oriental Literature Moscow 1971, entire book 352 pages, Entotto pp. 32-156
Translated by Richard Seltzer (from the 1971 edition)
Family of the Emperor
The family of the Emperor consists of his wife — Empress Taitu; two daughters — Shoareg and Zawditu from his first wife Bafana; his grandson from Woyzaro Shoareg — Balambaras Ayale; his uncle Ras Dargi; cousins, sons of Ras Dargi — Dajazmatch Tesemma, Mul Saged, and Lyja Tasfa; cousins — Ras Makonnen and Dajazmatch Haile Maryam.
The Emperor was married in a church ceremony to Empress Taitu in 1881. She comes from a very good family in Tigre. Her grandfather was the well-known Ras Wolda Giyorgis. Before Menelik, she was married three times. Her first husband, Dajazmatch Wandi, is still alive and has a little land, but he does not appear at court. Her second husband, Dajazmatch Wolda Gabriel, was killed by Tewodros who took Taitu for himself. Butshe refused to favor him, saying it was because of illness, for which she was put in chains. On the death of Tewodros, she married a third time, to Kanyazmatch Zakargacho; and then married Menelik, with whom she had a church wedding in 1881, at the age of 30 (she was born in 1851).105 She has had no children with Menelik; but from a previous marriage, she has a daughter who is married to Ras Mengesha. She is very beautiful, with very light skin. She is short and dresses the same as other Abyssinian women. She is notable for her intelligence and her great influence on the Emperor in matters of faith and internal government.
The Emperor’s daughter Shoareg was first married to Ras Area, son of Atye Yohannes. After the death of her first husband, she married Ras Mikael, the ruler of Wollo. During her latest marriage she had a son by Dajazmatch Waju, son of Ras Gobana.
Her son, Balambaras Ayale, is now ten years old. He is a very lively, intelligent child, the very image of Menelik.
Woyzaro Zawditu, married to Dajazmatch Ubye, is childless. She is short, very light — a rather good-looking woman.
Ras Dargi is the third brother of Menelik’s father, Haile Malakot, the son of Sahle Selassie. He was imprisoned together with Menelik at the court of Tewodros. On Tewodros’ death, here turned to his nephew who met him with great honor, and to this time he continues to play an important role at court. The Emperor consults with him about everything, and in conversation Ras Dargi always addresses Menelik with the familiar form of “you,” rather than the formal “you.” (This is exactly how Menelik treated Ras Gobana, his celebrated military commander.)
Ras Dargi has three sons — Dajazmatch Tesemma, Mul Saged, and Tasfa. They sent Tasfa in 1894 to Switzerland to be educated on the guarantee of Count Ilg, who put him in boarding school. But the translator who was with him, having been bribed by Italians, convinced the boy to go over to the side of Italy, and he did so. All who know Tasfa are sorry about this because it is said he was a boy with exceptional abilities.
Dajazmatch Tesemma, the oldest son of Ras Dargi, is the grandson of Atye Sahle Selassie. They say that he is ambitious. They keep him at a distance from the court, and Dajazmatch Wolda Gabriel constantly keeps an eye on him.
Ras Makonnen is a cousin of the emperor, a grandson of a sister of Menelik’s father. At the present moment he is the most popular of all the Abyssinian military commanders — the richest and the strongest. He is very well liked by the emperor. All foreign affairs are conducted through him and on his advice.
This is a man remarkable for his abilities and intelligence. He is a widower with two sons.
Dajazmatch Haile Maryam, brother of Ras Makonnen, is the former type of a feudal lord. Alternately with Dajazmatch Ubye, he stands guard over the emperor and the capital.
Thus, from this list we see that there are three possible pretenders to the throne: first Dajazmatch Tesemma, second Balambaras Ayale, and third Ras Makonnen.
We will be careful not to predetermine what the future will show, except only what you can almost guarantee — namely that there is no way to avoid civil war if Menelik does not name his successor before his death and prepare the ground for him. The succession to the throne is the sorest subject in the present-day Ethiopian empire.
The personality of Emperor Menelik is probably so well known that I can scarcely add to his character, and there remains to me only to repeat what others have said — that this is in the highest degree a bright, genial, cheerful person. He is one of those historical figures who appear at intervals of many centuries and who make their own era in history.
Abyssinians are filled with deep respect and love for their Emperor. They relate to him prophecies that came to King Zadyngylyu from Angel Raguil and to Sahle Selassie from Auriel.
They have besides a whole book of prophecies that they keep in secret. There are prophecies that they relate to Russia. In one of the prophecies of Raguil to Atye Zadyngylyu (he received revelations in his sleep and then wrote them down), it is said that a king from the north will be with a king of Ethiopia one in spirit and one in heart. In another prophecy of Angel Auriel to Sahle Selassie, it is said that a king of the north and of Jerusalem will meet with a king of Ethiopia in Mysyr (Egypt) and will conquer Egypt. After this, they will divide among them all the land.
The government of Menelik is distinguished for its gentleness, in contrast to the previous reign, and for its justice and tact.
Menelik’s motto is justice and his main rule is: never stretch the strings too hard so as not to break them. All these qualities have strengthened the throne for him, and his wisdom, military abilities and military good fortune have expanded the boundaries of the empire to an extent that his predecessors never dreamt of.
The court of the emperor and court etiquette are determined by a special book Kybyra Negest “The Honor of Kings.”106 There is found the ceremonial of coronation. At the present time not all the rules of the Kybyra Negest are carried out.
In the eighteenth century, judging by the accounts of d’Abaddie and other travelers, at the court of the emperor there was a council of four likaunts (clergy chosen from several ancient families) and four azzajs. This council shared with the emperor the functions of justice and government and could, in some cases, exercise a veto. I did not find such an institution today. At this time, they do call the highest clergy likaunts, and they are present during trials; but there are not four of them — rather there is an undetermined number — and they are not specially chosen. There are five azzajs at the emperor’s court, but they are exclusively for economic necessities, and do not wear turbans, like clergy.
Let’s add the following list of court ranks:
Likamakos — adjutant general, a title which is held by two people: Abata (commander of the artillery) and Adenau. Abata is a young, talented man, who distinguished himself at Adowa, a favorite of the Emperor and Empress, but not liked by the rest of the court. Adenau did not manifest valor at Adowa and therefore is in disfavor.
Bajeronds are chiefs of separate divisions of the economic management. There are three of them: Bajerond Balcha is a favorite of the Emperor, a hero of the recent war, wounded at Adowa. He guards the whole treasury and jewels and is an assistant of Likamakos Abata in the management of the artillery.
Bajerond Katama is the commander of the imperial guard. He is also responsible for distribution of all letters and decrees of the Emperor in the whole empire. Bajerond Wolda Giyorgis manages the gold and silver smiths of the Emperor.
Azzajs manage the personal lands of the Emperor and parts of the court household.
Azzaj Wolda Tadik escaped from Tewodros. He is a favorite of the Emperor and managers Ankober.
Azzaj Bezaby manages Menjar and part of the court household.
Azzaj Gyzau manages Meta and all the food supply parts of the court of the Emperor (to him also is entrusted the care of distinguished foreigners).
Ato Vadaju is the assistant of Azzaj Gyzau.
Azzaj Aba Tekhsas manages the court of the Empress. (He is noted for great personal bravery. At Adowa he carried the imperial parasol.)
There are several agafari, “those who bring in” or gentlemen in waiting.
Ya elfin askalakay Ishaka Ibsa is “he who forbids entrance to the inner chambers.” He commands all the court guards and stays near the Emperor all day. He manages admittance to the emperor.
Ishaka Ibsa is still a young man, raised from childhood by the Emperor.
Agafari Wolda Gabriel manages the official audiences of the Emperor.
In addition to these main ones, there are still some more agafaris, and one separate agafari for the court of the Empress.
Walderas is the chief of the stables.
Asalafi is the gentleman carver and high cup bearer. During dinner he cuts the Emperor’s food in pieces and gives it to him.
Elfin ashkers are servants of the inner chambers, in the sense of gentlemen-in-waiting. There are many of them. Most of them are children of former chief officers of the army. There are several relatives of former emperors. From childhood they are raised at court as pages, and then become elfin ashkers. Their responsibility is to escort the emperor here. Those among them who distinguish themselves and demonstrate their abilities are chosen for higher posts.
In addition to these people, there are managers of separate parts of the court household: managers of cooks, of bakers, of makers of beer and mead, and of smiths.
At court there are two translators: Gerazmatch Iosif, a favorite of the emperor, accompanied Ras Makonnen during his journey to Italy. This very intelligent person has influence in foreign affairs.
Ato Gabriel translates clippings from French and Egyptian newspapers and manages foreign mail.
The Emperor’s priest is Ychygye Gebra Selassie.
The chief secretary of the Emperor, who manages all the emperor’s correspondence on all matters is Alaka Gebra Selassie.
The abilities and memory of this man are truly enormous. He works like no one else. His office consists of several copyists.
He conducts all the internal correspondence, and he must remember everything. There are no incoming or outgoing journals.
Correspondence with all the provinces is enormous, and he must really be notable for outstanding capabilities in order to be in condition to look into all these matters and not confuse them.
Protection in the capital is entrusted, in turn, to the troops of Dajazmatch Haile Maryam and those of Dajazmatch Ubye.
There are several Europeans at court: Count Ilg serves as Minister of Public Works and Chief Advisor on Foreign Affairs.
His position has now become official since he received in March, together with Mr. Mondon, the rank of state councilor — mangyst mekerenya. (Mondon is the official representative of the French government. Another person from the French government, Mr. Clochette,107 a former captain of the French naval artillery, is their secret military agent.)
Mr. Dyuba manages the suburban forest of Mangasha. He is a French deserter, a former lieutenant of a cuirassier regiment. He deserted in 1870.
Tigran, an Armenian goldsmith, is very well liked by the Emperor and Empress. An Armenian is gardener. A Greek is baker. The Emperor’s day begins at dawn. At 6 o’clock in the morning he already takes the daily report of his secretary Alaka Gebra Selassie. In good weather, this takes place on the terrace in front of the court, and no stranger can be present during it.
Having finished with the report, the Emperor goes to look at construction that is under way and work in the court or rides to the quarry, to the forest, etc. He always takes advantage of such occasions to utilize the soldiers who accompany him. For example, if he rides past a quarry, then he gets down off his mule and takes a stone, and all those traveling with him must do likewise.
On such excursions, he usually rides on a luxuriously adorned mule, dressed just like all the others except that there is a large felt hat with gold lace on its head . They carry a red parasol over the Emperor. In front they lead two of his horses in case His Majesty wants to play guks, which happens very frequently. (The Emperor is an excellent cavalryman). Supper is served at eleven o’clock on meat days and at two or three o’clock on fast days. With the exception of Thursdays, Sundays and high holidays, the Emperor dines in the elfin (inner chambers) with the Empress. Only the very closest associates are allowed there, as, for example, Ras Dargi, Ras Makonnen, and some other balamuals. (People who have permission to enter the inner chambers without previous announcement are called balamuals).
Dinner continues long and consists of dishes that are generally accepted in Abyssinia. After dinner, the Emperor rests for an hour or two and then again he either receives or takes care of business or visits workshops. At six o’clock in the evening, the suite dissolves to their own houses. At seven o’clock, supper is served in the inner chambers. Only some of the very closest elfin ashkers and Ishaka Ibsa are present there. At nine o’clock, the Emperor goes to bed. On Wednesdays and Fridays, the Emperor goes out personally to hold court. On Thursdays, Sundays and on high holidays, there is a gybyr — a meal for all officers, soldiers of the guard, and, on high holidays, for the whole populace. One is notified about dinner by the beating of kettledrums. Dinner is held either in large tents or in a separate building called Aderash. First, the Emperor himself eats, separated from others by a red silk curtain. Inside, behind the curtain, only balamuals are allowed. Our mission also had this honor. After the Emperor has finished his meal, the curtain is opened and others are admitted. Trumpeters and flutists go in front. After them, a dense crowd goes. Not bowing to the Emperor, but only wrapping themselves in their shammas in accord with etiquette, they take seats close around baskets with injera. Over each basket, a servant holds a large piece of raw fresh-killed meat. Other servants pass out large horn goblets of tej to those who are dining. Having sated themselves, the dinner guests, without saying anything and not bowing to anyone, leave just as they had come. During dinner, the trumpeters play malakots and the flutists play embiltas.
During breaks, they drink and azmari [itinerant musicians] play violins. Dinner lasts several hours; and on high holidays it lasts from nine o’clock in the morning until four o’clock in the afternoon.
Twelve times a year, during the monthly Mother of God holidays, there are dinners of the Society of Mary (Makhaber Zamariem). This Society consists of the Emperor and eleven of his closes balamuals. On these days, the Emperor eats on the floor from one basket with the rest of the members of the Society. When a member is absent, in his place they seat another person chosen by the Emperor. Each member in order treats the others to dinner. (The main members of this Society are Ras Dargi, Ras Makonnen, Afa-negus Nasibu, Ras Wolda Giyorgis, Ras Mengesha Bituaded, Dajazmatch Ubye, Dajazmatch Tesemma, Dajazmatch Haile Maryam, Likamakos Abata, and Alaka Gebra Selassie.)
Ceremonial receptions take place in a separate building called Adebabay. This is a pavilion made of carved wood. The platform ends in railings to which is attached, from inside, an alga (bed) which signifies the throne of the Emperor. From the platform downwards goes a wide staircase, and under the throne a second platform, where stands the person who is being received in audience. During the reception, everything is covered with carpets. The Emperor is surrounded by his whole suite. The Emperor received the Red Cross Mission in Aderash, which was specially outfitted for this occasion. Appointments to posts and ceremonial receptions of those who have killed elephants and lions take place in Saganeyt, the same place as the law court.
On the appointment of someone to a post and the granting to him of a region, they announce this by beating on kettledrums, and an auaj or herald proclaims the new appointment. The newly appointed person bows down to the ground before the Emperor; and then, accompanied by all his friends and servants, goes home with songs, dances, and firing of guns, and gives at home a feast for all who come, which lasts several days. Such ovations and feasts also take place in case of someone having killed an elephant or a lion.
The Emperor very zealously fulfills his duties as a Christian. He strictly observes fasts and during the great fast on Wednesdays and Fridays does not eat until sunset and sometimes spends the night in church on the floor. Each holiday he attends mass. He also makes large donations to churches.
Notes
Footnotes are written by the author indicated with the initial block letter as per below:
B: = Bulatovich, author K: = Katsnelson, editor of the Russian reprint S: = Seltzer, translator
105 K: Taitu married Menelik in April 1883.
106 K: Kebra Nagest which means “Glory of the Kings” is a collection of historical and church legends and traditions, of the apocrypha, etc. Here appears the well-known story about King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, from which supposedly the dynasty of Ethiopian kings arose. Mentions of this collection date back to the fifteenth century. (See, Kebra Nagast czyli Chwala Krolow Abysinii. Fragmenty, Warsaw, 1956, page 8).
Introduction
