From Publishers Weekly: Feagin’s voluminous, relentless book testifies to both the strengths and the flaws of applying a sociological approach to the intricate issues of racism in America. 從出版家周刊： feagin的篇幅，無情的圖書證明了雙方的優點和缺點的應用社會學的方法來錯綜複雜的問題，種族主義在美國。 Most social scientists, according to this sociologist at the University of Florida (White Racism, etc.) and president of the American Sociological Association, see racism “as something tacked on to an otherwise healthy American society.”多數社會科學家，根據這一社會學家，在佛羅里達大學（白種族主義等）和主席的美國社會學協會，見種族主義“ ，作為tacked對一個健康的，否則美國社會” 。

But Feagin contends that the system embeds racism at the core, from the Constitution to the legacy of slavery and segregation in retarding black economic advancement.但feagin爭辯說，系統嵌入種族主義處於核心地位，從憲法遺留下來的奴役和隔離在延緩黑色經濟的發展。 He argues aptly that color-blind ideology “provides a veneer of liberality” for those unwilling to recognize how race has shaped America, while those who lump blacks with white immigrant groups ignore the effects of racial discrimination.他辯稱，正好顏色盲意識形態“提供了一個單板的liberality ”對於那些不願意承認，如何種族已經形成美國，而那些誰整的黑人與白人移民群體忽略了種族歧視的影響。 But Feagin’s approach surely sacrifices complexity.但feagin的做法，當然犧牲的複雜性。

Are “racist pressures against interracial marriage” solely the product of white racism?是“種族主義的壓力，對婚姻間的”純粹的產品，白色種族主義？ If achievement tests are so biased toward the white middle class, then why do some Asian immigrants do well on them?如果成就測驗是如此偏向白人中產階層，那麼為什麼一些亞洲移民，做好對他們的呢？ Feagin calls for a large-scale educational campaign to move whites to confront “the reality of the pain that their system of racism has caused” and a new constitutional convention to incorporate “the group interests and rights of all Americans of color.” feagin呼籲建立一個大規模的教育活動提出白人對抗“現實的痛苦，他們的系統的種族主義造成了”和一個新的憲制公約，把“集團的利益和權利，所有美國人的顏色” 。

He also calls for individual and group reparations for blacks.他還呼籲，為個人和群體的賠償黑人。 (But how exactly would a “black community” be determined?) Feagin doesn’t engage those who argue that class-based remedies may be better than race-based onesAanother flaw in a book full of strong yet poorly articulated arguments. （但究竟如何將一個“黑人社區”待定？ ） feagin不從事那些誰辯稱，基於類的補救措施可能會優於基於種族onesaanother缺陷在一本書，充滿了強烈的，但不善闡述的論點。

From Kirkus Reviews: A sometimes searing indictment of American racial practices. 從kirkus評語：有時searing起訴書中，美國的種族歧視的做法。

Sociologist Feagin (White Racism, not reviewed) traces the development of American racism to its roots in Europe.社會學家feagin （白種族主義，沒有檢討）的痕跡的發展，美國種族主義的根源在歐洲。

Ideologically, race was not a major consideration in human endeavors until the beginning of the European slave trade in the 1400s, Feagin tells us.在思想上，種族不是一個主要的考慮因素，在人類奮鬥，直到年初歐洲奴隸貿易，在1400 ， feagin告訴我們。 But some 300 years later, it had grown full-blown and become a major cornerstone of intellectual thought–dominated by such thinkers as Locke, Kant, and Hegel, and by the Frenchman Joseph Arthur de Gobineau.但大約300年後的今天，它已成長充分吹，並成為一個主要的基石，智力思想佔主導地位，例如，作為思想家洛克，康德，黑格爾，和由法國人約瑟夫阿瑟德戈賓諾。 All of these harbored anti-black views to varying degrees, including the curious natural-law notion that blacks somehow were born to be slaves.所有這些包藏反黑色的意見，在不同程度上，包括好奇的自然法的概念，即黑人在某種程度上出生做奴隸。

Much of this 18th-century twaddle was absorbed by our Founding Fathers, especially by Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, and James Madison.大部分的18世紀twaddle是吸納我們的開國元勳，特別是由托馬斯杰斐遜，本傑明富蘭克林，和詹姆斯麥迪遜。 Feagin also examines Reconstruction, the lynchings of the late–19th and early–20th centuries, the Civil Rights era, and the post–Civil Rights period. feagin還探討了重建，私刑的遲交的第19和早期20世紀，公民權利的時代，與後公民權利的時期。

As we enter a point in the new millennium where the white population is beginning to shrink, Feagin points out that less than half the population of America’s four largest cities (New York, Los Angeles, Houston, and Chicago) is white.在我們進入一個點，在新的千年而白人人口開始萎縮， feagin指出，不到一半的人口是美國的4個最大的城市（紐約，洛杉磯，休斯頓，芝加哥）是白色。

This and other factors lead Feagin to call for an international view of civil rights (ie, one in which all are entitled to equal concern because all are human beings and not members of this or that state or tribe). Feagin, who is avowedly influenced by Franz Fanon and Kwame Ture (Stokely Carmichael), is at his overwrought best when he is in historical pursuit of the roots of racism.這和其他因素導致feagin要求一個有國際視野的公民權利（即，一，在人人有權享受平等的關注，因為都是人類，而不是成員，這個或那個國家或部落） 。 feagin ，誰是avowedly影響由弗朗茲法農和誇梅真（ stokely卡邁克爾） ，是在他的overwrought的最佳時，他是在追求歷史的根源，種族主義。

Perhaps because it is something not readily fresh on the mind, it is a matter of more than idle curiosity what Benjamin Franklin and James Madison thought about whiteness.也許因為它是一件不容易對新鮮的頭腦，這是一個多閒置的好奇心，什麼本傑明富蘭克林和詹姆斯麥迪遜思考白。

On the other hand, matters such as affirmative action and reparations are too widely discussed and familiar to make Feagin’s discussion of them very interesting or fresh.在另一方面，等事宜，平權行動和賠償是太廣泛討論和熟悉，使feagin的討論，他們非常有趣或新鮮糧食。

A useful study, even for those who are not guilt-ridden. 一個有用的研究，即使對那些誰不認罪四起。