By: Dr. Megalommatis Muhammad ：博士megalommatis穆罕默德。
Shamsaddin (Pictured Below) 夏姆沙丁（圖下文） 
A great number of readers throughout Africa would like to know more about the reasons for the injustices done to so many nations and the disasters caused to so many peoples in the Black Continent.大量的讀者在整個非洲想知道更多關於原因的不公正做了這麼多國家和造成的災難，因此許多國家的人民在黑色大陸。 Whereas it would take a monumental encyclopedia to enumerate the unfair deeds and the mischievous plans carried out by the colonial European powers in Africa, it takes only a brief reading of few thousands of words to get a summarized view of the misperceptions shared by the US Africa policy decision makers.而它會採取一種巨大的百科全書列舉不公平的先進事蹟和惡作劇的計劃所進行的歐洲列強的殖民地，在非洲，它只是一個簡短的讀，數以千字得到總結鑑於該誤解共享由美國非洲政策的決策者。
Many Africans still wonder how America, a country formed in the anti-colonial struggle against England, turned out to be a sort of neo-colonial power that, violating its own ideals and breaching its own principles, has pursued a policy that rather reflects the Anti-American interests of the world’s most vicious and most criminal colonial powers, namely England and France. 許多非洲人仍然不知道美國如何，一個國家形成的反殖民鬥爭的英格蘭，原來是一種新殖民主義的權力，違反自己的理想和違反自己的原則，一直奉行的政策，而是反映了反美的利益，是世界上最邪惡和最刑事殖民國家，即英格蘭和法國。
The answer to this reveals the political reality as regards the American establishment; during the 19th century part of the European Capital moved from Europe to America, and the trend continued through the 20th century.回答了這個揭示的政治現實，至於美國建立;在19世紀的一部分，歐洲資本從歐洲到美國，而且這種趨勢一直持續到20世紀。 This caused a tremendous change within the American establishment as one influential faction has consciously acted to subordinate America to interests promoted by the colonial powers – interests that are all detrimental for Africa’s well being and for Africans’ survival.這引起了巨大的變化，美國成立，作為一個有影響力的派系已採取行動，自覺服從美國的利益，促進了由殖民國家-的利益都是不利的非洲的福祉，並為非洲人的生存。
This faction of the American establishment did not control America continuously but it certainly exercised the strongest impact; assassinations, economic disasters, and all sorts of misdeeds have been employed for this purpose, as these people act as the worst sort of Mafia.這個派系美國建立沒有控制美國不斷，但可以肯定的行使最強烈的影響;暗殺，經濟災難和各種不良行為已僱用為此，作為這些人作為最嚴重的這類黑手黨。 Hoover was discredited with a Crash, Kennedy was assassinated, and Nixon was removed from power, whereas numerous scandals have been out of focus for other presidents who happened to be members of the criminal secretive organization that contaminates the essence of Democracy and threatens the quintessence of Freedom.胡佛是抹黑與崩潰，肯尼迪被暗殺，和尼克松被革職的權力，而無數的醜聞，已被列重點為其他總統誰發生的成員，刑事秘密組織，污染了民主的真諦，並威脅的精髓自由。 Their paranoid and absolutely racist plans herald nothing positive for various nations allover the world.他們的偏執和種族主義絕對計劃預示著什麼積極為各民族allover世界。
One could even ask the theoretical question ‘ why America pursues in Africa a self-destructive policy that helps only leave the British and French colonial interests intact in the Black Continent ‘?一，甚至可以要求理論性的問題' 為什麼美國奉行在非洲自我破壞性的政策，幫助只有離開英國和法國的殖民利益，完整的黑色大陸 '嗎？ The answer to this question would be very simple:這個問題的答案會很簡單：
• - Almost all the people who rule America, by being appointed in the specific decision making posts and by implementing parts of a general scheme, are mostly controlled by a global group of power that does not care about America’s or Africa’s well being or about the promotion of the US interests in parts of the Black Continent but has instead been engaged in the colonial patchwork of conquest and robbery. • -幾乎所有的人，誰統治美國，被任命為在具體的決策職位，並執行部分的一般計劃，大多是控制一個全球性集團的權力，這並不關心美國的還是非洲的好正在或即將促進美國的利益，在部分的黑色大陸，但反而一直從事在殖民地東拼西湊的征服和打劫。
This is the reason their positions as regards various issues look so different, self-contradictory, and inconsequential.這是因為他們的立場，至於各種問題的研究，使不同的，自我矛盾，並無關緊要。 They do not in consist in a methodic implementation of principles but in a systematic execution of a plan that necessitates specific results here and there.他們沒有在構成在一個methodic的實施原則，但在一個有系統的執行一項計劃，需要具體成果，在這裡和那裡。 These results cannot be obtained through the same method and policy in every place; the difference can be at times spectacular.這些結果不能獲得通過同樣的方法和政策，在每一個地方;差異，可以在時代的壯觀。
We can get a taste of this biased policy and approach to African issues in the recent Briefing on Africa offered to mass media accredited at the State Department by Jendayi Frazer, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, and Clint Williamson, Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Issues, only two days ago.我們可以得到的味道，這偏頗的政策和做法，以非洲問題在最近的發布會上對非洲提供給大眾媒體的認可，在國務院，由jendayi弗雷澤，助理國務卿國務院負責非洲事務的，和克林特威廉森大使-在大為戰爭罪行問題，只有前兩天。
I will cite here the discussion as published in the State Department website and then I will add a brief Commentary to highlight contradictions and biases.我會在這裡舉的討論，發表在國務院的網站，然後我會添加一個簡短評論，以突出的矛盾和偏見。 I did not edit the text, simply to make it more easily comprehensible, I broke it to several units.我並沒有對文字進行修改，只是為了使它更容易理解，我打破了它的幾個單位。 Numbers encrusted in text refer to my Commentary at the end.號碼encrusted在文字提及我的評論在去年底。
Africa: On-The-Record Briefing 非洲：對- -紀錄簡報
http://www.state.gov/p/af/rls/rm/2008/104667.htm
Briefing on Rewards for Justice Search for Rwandan War Criminals發布會上正義獎賞計劃搜索盧旺達戰犯
Tue, 13 May 2008 14:20:03 -0500週二， 2008年5月13日14時20分03秒-0500
Jendayi Frazer , Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs jendayi弗雷澤 ， 助理國務卿國務院負責非洲事務的
Clint Williamson , Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Issues 克林特威廉森 大使-在大型的戰爭罪行問題
Washington, DC - May 12, 2008 華盛頓，哥倫比亞特區-2 008年5月1 2日
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: Good afternoon. 助理國務卿弗雷澤說：下午好。 It is my pleasure to be here today with Ambassador Williamson to reaffirm our commitment to bring to justice all remaining fugitives wanted by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, the ICTR.這是我很高興今天在這裡與威廉森大使重申，我們致力於將其繩之以法的所有其餘逃犯通緝，由盧旺達問題國際刑事法庭，盧旺達問題國際法庭。
1994 Genocide in Rwanda [1] 在1994年盧旺達種族滅絕[ 1 ]
The Rewards for Justice War Crimes program is a valuable tool that has complemented our efforts to end war in the Great Lakes region and to implement the Lusaka, Sun City and Pretoria peace processes.獎勵正義戰爭罪行的計劃是一項寶貴的工具，補充了我們的努力來結束戰爭，在大湖區和執行盧薩卡，太陽城和比勒陀利亞和平進程。 Through it, we received valuable information that led to the arrest of three dangerous fugitives.通過它，我們收到了寶貴的資料，導致拘捕三名危險的逃犯。
These include former government and militia leaders accused of genocide, complicity in genocide, and in crimes against humanity: Tharcisse Renzaho, Jean-Baptiste Gatete, and Yusuf John Munyakazi.這些措施包括前政府和民兵領導人被控犯有種族滅絕罪，共謀種族滅絕罪，並在危害人類罪： tharcisse Renzaho案，讓-巴蒂斯特Gatete案，和Yusuf約翰munyakazi 。 These three are now in trial proceeding and waiting — these three are now in trial proceedings and awaiting trial.這三個現在在審判程序和等待-這三個現在在審判程序和等待審判。
In addition to facilitating the apprehension of fugitives wanted for their involvement in the Rwandan genocide, this program showcased our commitment to justice and peace in the Great Lakes region.此外，為了便利逮捕逃犯通緝，他們參與盧旺達大屠殺，這一計劃展示我們的承諾，正義與和平的大湖區。 Since 2004, we have demonstrated US commitment to prevent further conflict and support conflict resolution through the facilitation of the Tripartite Plus process, culminating with Secretary Rice’s chairmanship of the Tripartite Plus Heads of State Summit in December.自2004年以來，我們已證明，美國的承諾，以防止進一步的衝突和解決衝突，支持通過促進三方加進程，最終與國務卿賴斯的主持三方加國家元首首腦會議在12月。 That would include the presidents of Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, and the foreign and defense ministers of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.這將包括總統，盧旺達，烏干達，布隆迪和外交及國防部長的剛果民主共和國。 The United States remains very engaged in bringing peace to the Great Lakes region today.美國仍然非常從事在實現和平大湖地區今天。
The disarmament processes enshrined in the Nairobi Communiqué and Goma Agreement provide a process to disarm the foreign and domestic armed groups in eastern Congo and represent the next step to continue the work that began at Lusaka, Sun City, and Pretoria.裁軍進程體現在內羅畢公報和戈馬的協議提供一個進程，解除武裝，外國和國內的武裝團伙在剛果東部和代表下一步繼續開展工作，開始在盧薩卡，太陽城，比勒陀利亞。
As part of our strategy to achieve lasting peace in the Great Lakes, we are renewing our efforts to bring to justice those who look to undermine regional peace.作為戰略的一部分，實現持久和平，在大湖，我們重申我們的努力將肇事者繩之以法看看誰破壞區域和平。
During his recent visit to the region Ambassador Williamson assessed the benefits of re-launching the Rewards for Justice War Crimes program to reward those who will help us bring to justice the fugitives who are still at large and a mark of our determination to lasting peace.在他最近訪問該地區駐華大使威廉姆森評估的好處，重新啟動的回報正義的戰爭罪行計劃，獎勵那些誰將幫助我們將其繩之以法逃犯誰仍然逍遙法外的標誌，我們的決心是持久的和平。
As President Kabila has said, the time is now for the former Rwandan Armed Forces and Interahamwe in eastern Congo who have caused so much insecurity, suffering and devastation to lay down their arms peacefully and return to Rwanda as outlined in the Nairobi Communiqué.作為卡比拉總統說，時間是現在為前盧旺達武裝部隊和interahamwe在剛果東部誰造成了這麼多不安全，痛苦和破壞放下武器，和平和返回盧旺達概述在內羅畢公報。
With that, I will turn it over to my colleague, Ambassador Williamson, to go into greater detail about the Rewards for Justice Program.與，我會把它交給我的同事，威廉森大使，進入更詳細的關於正義獎賞計劃程序。
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: As Assistant Secretary Frazer indicated, the State Department is renewing its efforts to bring to justice those most responsible for the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. 威廉森大使：作為助理國務卿弗雷澤表示，美國國務院是自強不息的努力將肇事者繩之以法，最負責在1994年盧旺達種族滅絕。 I’m pleased to announce that the Office of War Crimes Issues will be working closely with the Bureau of African Affairs and the US Embassy in Kinshasa to launch a new Rewards for Justice campaign.我很高興地宣布，該辦公室的戰爭罪行問題將緊密合作，主席團和非洲事務的美國駐華使館在金沙薩，以推出一項新的正義獎賞計劃運動。 This campaign aims to secure the arrest of the 13 men indicted by the ICTR for genocide and crimes against humanity who remain at large.這項運動的目的，以確保逮捕的十三名男子被起訴的，由盧旺達問題國際刑事法庭對滅絕種族罪和危害人類罪，誰仍然逍遙法外。
As you know, ethnic violence of the scale and horror that we witnessed in 1994 does not happen spontaneously; it requires extensive preparation and planning.如你所知，種族暴力的規模和恐怖，我們目睹了在1994年不會發生自發性;它需要大量的準備和規劃。 Many of the architects behind the Rwandan genocide have been arrested, thanks to political and material support from a wide range of nations including the United States.許多建築師背後的盧旺達大屠殺已被拘捕，由於政治和物質支持，從範圍廣泛的國家包括美國在內。 These arrests and the trials and convictions that have followed challenge the notion that those who direct crimes such as these can go unpunished.這些逮捕和審判和定罪的有遵循的挑戰概念，即那些誰直接犯罪，如這些可以逍遙法外。
But years later, thirteen of those indicted remain at large.但年後的今天， 13對那些被起訴者仍然逍遙法外。 These men include Augustin Bizimana, Idelphonse Nizeyimana, Protais Mpiranya, Gregoire Ndahimana, Ladislas Ntaganzwa and Félicien Kabuga.這些男人，包括奧古斯丁比齊馬納， idelphonse nizeyimana ， protais mpiranya ，格雷瓜爾ndahimana ，拉狄斯拉斯ntaganzwa和菲利西安卡布加。 All of these individuals exercised positions of power and influence in the lead-up to and during the genocide itself.所有這些個人行使的權力地位和影響力帶頭行動和種族滅絕期間本身。 The impunity of these men, fourteen years after these crimes were committed, and their continuing presence in the region represents a threat to stability and reconciliation.有罪不罰的這些男子，十四年後，這些罪行的承諾，以及他們繼續駐留在該地區的代表的威脅，穩定與和解。
The State Department is cooperating with other governments, with the UN, and with the ICTR to make it harder for these fugitives to remain at large.美國國務院正與其他國家政府，與聯合國，並與盧旺達問題國際法庭作出的難度，這些逃犯仍逍遙法外。 The Rewards for Justice initiative that we’re announcing today is one element of an international effort to tighten the net around them.該正義獎賞計劃的倡議，我們正在宣布今天是一個組成部分的國際努力，以加強他們周圍的淨額。
Because many of the fugitives are believed to be living in the Democratic Republic of Congo, this Rewards for Justice campaign will be focused there.因為有很多的逃犯相信是生活在剛果民主共和國，這正義獎賞計劃運動的重點將是有。 In the next weeks, our Embassy in Kinshasa will work with the UN mission and other partners in the Congo to distribute posters, matchbooks, and other articles indicating that these men are wanted for genocide – and advertising a financial reward of up to $5 million for information that leads to their arrest.在未來的幾個星期，我們的大使館在金沙薩的工作將與聯合國特派團和其他夥伴在剛果分發海報， matchbooks ，和其他物品的顯示這些男子是被通緝的種族滅絕-和廣告金融，懸賞高達5 00萬美元信息，導致他們被逮捕。
Information generated by the Rewards for Justice campaign will support the efforts of the ICTR, whose team of investigators continue to pursue fugitives.信息所產生的正義獎賞計劃運動，會支持的努力，盧旺達問題國際法庭，其調查小組繼續奉行逃犯。 Callixte Nzabonimana, an indicted government minister, was arrested in March thanks to cooperation between the ICTR’s tracking team and the Government of Tanzania.卡利克斯特nzabonimana ，一被起訴的政府部長被逮捕，三月感謝之間的合作，盧旺達問題國際法庭的偵察隊和坦桑尼亞政府。 He now awaits trial at the ICTR.他現正等待盧旺達問題國際法庭受審。
As this shows, some of the most critical steps to ending the impunity of these fugitives must be taken by national governments in the region.作為這表明，一些最關鍵的步驟，以結束有罪不罰的這些逃犯，必須採取由各國政府在該地區。 Just last week, the Government of Kenya persuaded a Kenyan court to freeze real estate property from which Félicien Kabuga, the ICTR’s most wanted indictee, is believed to have drawn funds to support his life at large.就在上週，肯尼亞政府說服肯尼亞法院凍結房地產從哪個菲利西安卡布加，盧旺達問題國際法庭的頭號通緝被起訴，被認為是已制定的資金，以支持他生活在大。 This is a welcome development, but it’s our strong hope that this represents only a single step toward still more aggressive action from all governments in the region to capture these men.這是一個值得歡迎的事態發展，但它的我們強烈希望這只是一個單一的一步，更是積極行動，從所有國家政府在該地區捕捉這些男子。 We look forward to seeing the results from this campaign.我們期待著看到的結果，從這個運動。 We believe it will accelerate the process of bringing to justice those most responsible for these horrible crimes.我們相信這將加速這一進程的罪犯繩之以法，最負責任的為這些可怕的罪行。
And we would be happy now to take any questions you have. 和我們將很高興現在採取您提出的任何問題。
QUESTION: Go ahead. 問：繼續進行 。
QUESTION: In terms of the figure, you’re saying up to 5 million — 5 million? 問：在條款的數字，您是怎麼說的最多500萬-五百萬？
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: Yes, 5 million. 威廉森大使：是的 ， 5000000 。
QUESTION: Yes, 5 million reward. 問：是的 ， 500萬的獎勵。 Is that per person?是每人？
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: It is. 威廉森大使：是 。 The — a decision on the exact amount that is paid is taken based on the quality of the information, the individual that it leads to, a whole variety of circumstances. -作出決定的確切數額，即是採取付費的基礎上，信息的質量，個人認為，它導致，整個的各種情況。 And it’s taken by a whole group of actors here in Washington.和它的所採取的一整個集團的行動者在這裡在華盛頓舉行。
QUESTION: So has this been increased from previous rewards that you’ve offered? 問：所以這已增加了從以往的回報，您所提供的呢？
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: The reward has been up to 5 million in the past as well. 威廉森大使：懸賞已高達500.0萬，在過去以及。
QUESTION: So there’s no difference in – 問 ：所以沒有任何差別-
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: There is no difference, no. 威廉森大使：是沒有分別的，沒有。
QUESTION: When were those rewards first offered? 問：當這些獎勵的第一所提供的呢？
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: They go back to the late 1990s. 威廉森大使：他們返回到上世紀90年代末。 The program had continued in full force until 2006.該計劃繼續在充分生效，直至2006年。 At that point, there was very little information coming in, so we had discontinued it.在這一點上，有很少的資料，未來在，所以我們已中止它。 We have felt like now is the right time to re-initiate it.我們感到，現在想是正確的時間來重新啟動它。
QUESTION: Yeah, I seem to remember one of your — or maybe even two of your predecessors had done the same thing – 問：是啊，我似乎記得您的其中一個-或者甚至兩個你的前任做了同樣的事情-
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: Yes. 威廉森大使：是的。
QUESTION: — in going to Kinshasa with the matchbooks and the posters. 問： -在前往金沙薩與m atchbooks和海報。
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: Yeah. 威廉森大使：是啊 。
QUESTION: Can — where — you think that Kabuga is in Congo now? 問：能否-在哪裡-你認為卡布加是在剛果現在呢？
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: Most of the information has indicated that he’s in Kenya. 威廉森大使：大部分的資料表示，他的在肯尼亞。
QUESTION: That’s what I would – 問 ：這就是我將-
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: Yeah, and we have certainly pressed the Kenyan Government to move against him, to help locate him. 威廉森大使：是啊，和我們有一定的壓力，肯尼亞政府提出對他，以幫助找到他。 So that’s why we were encouraged by these recent steps that the government has taken to go after his assets.所以這就是為什麼我們感到鼓舞，最近的這些步驟，政府已採取去後，他的資產。
The program at this point is focused primarily on the Congo, where most of these individuals are believed to be.該計劃在這一點上是主要集中於剛果，而大多數這些個人相信。 Certainly, Kabuga has links to people in the Congo.當然，布加有聯繫的人在剛果的。 It’s the same group that he was associated with earlier.它的同一組，他是與較早前。 So we’re open to expanding this program again in Kenya if we think that it’s useful to do so.因此，我們要擴大開放，這一計劃再次在肯尼亞如果我們認為它的有用這樣做。
QUESTION: And one more thing. 問：和一更多的事。 It would seem to me that while these guys were certainly responsible for great evil and atrocities back during the genocide, that currently, in Congo at least, there are people who are more — you know, who are responsible for current — the current state of horrendousness in the east.它將在我看來，雖然這些傢伙肯定負責的偉大邪惡和暴行回到種族滅絕期間，目前，在剛果，至少有人誰是更多的-你知道，誰負責電流-現狀horrendousness在東部地區。
Why — you know, when this was announced, my presumption was that you were going to start offering rewards for this guy who is a top aide to Nkunda whose arrest — ICC arrest warrant was just unveiled last week, or perhaps even Nkunda himself.為什麼-你知道，當這是宣布，我國推定的是，你要開始提供獎勵這個傢伙是誰的一位高級助手恩孔達其逮捕-國際刑事法院的逮捕令剛剛問世的上星期，或什至恩孔達自己。 Why not go after some of these dissident elements who are causing, you know, problems right now?為什麼不去後，一些持不同政見者，這些要素誰造成的，你也知道，問題的權利，現在呢？ Because this program already exists.因為這個計劃已經存在。
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: Well, it’s — this program has existed, but it has not been operable for the last year and a half, so we are restarting it. 威廉森大使：好的 ，它的-這個計劃已經存在，但它沒有得到可操作性，為過去的一年半時間，因此我們正在重新啟動它。 But there are statutory constraints on who we can target in this.但也有法定的限制，誰是我們可以在這方面的目標。 Right now, the statute provides for people who have been indicted by the Yugoslavia and Rwanda tribunals to be the focus for Rewards for Justice.現在，該規約規定，誰的人已被起訴，由南斯拉夫問題和盧旺達問題法庭成為焦點，為正義獎賞計劃。
QUESTION: (Inaudible.) 問： （ inaudible. ）
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: It has not been expanded beyond that yet. 威廉森大使：它沒有被擴大，超出認為，尚未。 So that’s going to take action by Congress.這樣的去採取行動，由國會。
QUESTION: So your alleged new love of the ICC has not gone — it hasn’t gone as far as to allow for rewards to be offered for their indictees? 問：所以您的指稱新愛國際刑事法院沒有了-它沒有了據，讓獎勵優惠，他們被起訴？
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: It hasn’t been yet. 威廉森大使：它沒有得到。 So it’s going to be up to Congress if they want to expand it.因此，這將是最多國會，如果他們希望將它展開。 But as of yet, it hasn’t been.但截至不過，這並沒有。
QUESTION: Okay. 問：好。
QUESTION: Just two things. 問：剛才兩件事。 One, just to clarify, so you were eligible for a $5 million reward up to 18 months ago, and then you weren’t and now you are again?一，我只想澄清，所以你有資格獲得500萬美元的懸賞高達18個月前，然後你不是和現在你再次？
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: Well – 威廉森大使： -
QUESTION: For these particular 13 individuals? 問：對於這些特別的13個人？
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: People have been eligible for rewards throughout this period. 威廉森大使：人有資格為獎勵在整個這一時期。 We had discontinued, sort of, the operations for this program.我們已中止，排序的，行動的這一計劃。 In other words, to run this program in a full force, you need a 24-hour telephone line, you need websites that are monitored, you need ICTR investigators who are going to be available to follow up on information.在其他換言之，要執行這個程式在一個充分的力量，您需要一個24小時電話線，你需要的網站，監察，您需要盧旺達問題國際法庭的調查誰將會提供給跟進的資料。 These things had dropped off, and so this is what we are trying to do right now, is just reinvigorate those efforts.這些事情已放下，所以這是我們嘗試做正確的，現在只不過是振興這些努力。
QUESTION: And I have another question on this, and then if I could ask Secretary Frazer something. 問：我有另一個問題是關於這點，然後如果我可以請問局長Frazer的東西。 The — you said that this – that these people were going to create, I think you said, potentially instability in the region? -你說，這-這些人是去創造，我認為你說，可能該地區的不穩定？
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: Mm-hmm. 威廉森大使：毫米- HMM的。
QUESTION: Is that right? 問：是嗎？
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: Yes. 威廉森大使：是的。
QUESTION: Could you be more specific? 問：你能否更具體的？
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: Well, these individuals that are in the Congo that were affiliated with Interahamwe, they’re still operating, they still have the same affiliations that they’ve had all of these years. 威廉森大使：好的 ，這些個人是在剛果的被下屬的幫派，他們還在經營，他們仍然有相同的背景，他們已經所有這些年。 They continue to be a source of instability there.他們繼續成為不穩定的根源。 It’s of concern to the government in Kinshasa, it’s of concern to the government in Kigali and Bujambura.它的政府的關注在金沙薩，它的政府的關注在基加利和bujambura 。 It’s something that needs to be addressed.它的一些需要加以解決。 So again, we have some statutory constraints on who can be targeted through the Rewards for Justice Program.再次，我們有一些法定的限制，誰可以通過有針對性的正義獎賞計劃程序。 And although we are going after individuals that have been indicted by the ICTR, they certainly are part of a bigger problem.雖然我們是去後，個人已被起訴，由盧旺達問題國際刑事法庭，他們肯定是一個組成部分，更大的問題。 None of these things exist in isolation.沒有這些東西孤立存在的。
QUESTION: And can I ask Secretary Frazer a question on another topic? 問：我可以請問局長Frazer的一個問題，對另一個話題？
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: Maybe we should finish with this and then come back to a different topic. 助理國務卿弗雷澤：或許我們應該完成與此，然後再回來，以不同的主題。
QUESTION: Okay. 問：好。
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: Okay. 威廉森大使：好 。 Yes.是。
QUESTION: Can you — over the past number of years that this program has been in effect, how much has been paid out in Rewards for Justice, for how many people? 問：你能-在過去數年，此計劃已生效的，有多少已支付列於正義獎賞計劃，有多少人？
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: I can’t tell you the exact amount that has been paid out. 威廉森大使：我不能告訴你確切數額，已支付的。 There are programs for information on terrorists as well as war criminals, so I just don’t know how it breaks down.有計劃的資料，恐怖分子以及戰爭罪犯，所以我只是不知道它如何壞了。
QUESTION: Come up with this (inaudible) Rwanda? 問：想出了這個（無聲）盧旺達？
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: Maybe I can — because I was here when – 助理國務卿弗雷澤 ：也許我可以-因為我在這裡當-
QUESTION: (Inaudible) Rwanda – 問： （無聲）盧旺達-
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: I was here when this was launched the first time. 助理國務卿弗雷澤：我是這裡的時候，這是推出了第一時間。 And frankly, most of the information that we got that led to the arrest of at least three of the individuals that were on this list, came from governments themselves.坦白說，大部分的資料，我們得到導致逮捕了至少有3個人被在此清單上，來自各國政府本身。 And we didn’t pay out any reward to the governments.我們沒有支付任何報酬，向各國政府。 I’m not aware that any individuals during that time had given us information that led to the arrest of any other ones that we’ve gotten.我不知道任何個人在這段時間已經給我們的資料，導致拘捕任何其他的，我們已經得到了。
QUESTION: Can we get a full list of the names of the 13, Gonzo, of the – 問：我們可以得到的完整清單的姓名， 13 ， gonzo ， -
QUESTION: I just – I’m not quite clear why now you’re reinvigorating it. 問 ：剛才我-我不太清楚，為什麼現在您可以振興。 You said very little info was coming in as of 2006.你說的很少信息，是未來在截至2006年。 What has changed since then?是什麼改變了自那時以來？
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: A couple of things that — maybe Jendayi as well. 威廉森大使：一對夫婦的事情-也許j endayi以及。 The – right now we’re reaching a critical stage in the life of the Rwanda and Yugoslavia tribunal. -現在，我們正達到一個關鍵階段，在生活的盧旺達和前南問題國際法庭。 They have certain deadlines that had been imposed by the Security Council to complete their work.他們有一定的期限已安全理事會施加的完成他們的工作。 So there is some urgency in trying to resolve the issue of all the fugitives that are out there.因此，一些緊迫性，在試圖解決的問題，所有的逃犯是在那裡。 There has also, I think, been renewed interest on the part of the ICTR to operationalize the hunt for these people.也有，我認為，延長的利息部分，盧旺達問題國際法庭實施追捕這些人。 They have enhanced the capabilities of their tracking unit.他們有能力，增強了他們的跟踪股。 We’ve had new indications of the willingness of governments to take this on.我們已經有了新的跡象顯示，願意各國政府採取這一對。 The UN Mission in the DRC has also been very interested in doing this.聯合國特派團在剛果民主共和國也非常有興趣這樣做。 So I think it’s just all of these factors coming together that we felt like this was the right time to restart it.因此，我認為這只是所有這些因素都走到一起，我們認為，像這是正確的時間來重新啟動它。
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: And to add to that on a diplomatic front, we have the Goma Agreement and the Nairobi agreements, which lead to a renewed effort to try to address the FDLR Interahamwe continuing instability in eastern Congo. 助理國務卿弗雷澤：和添加到，就一在外交戰線上，我們有協議，戈馬和內羅畢協議，從而導致再次努力，試圖解決盧旺達民主解放力量幫派持續不穩定，在剛果東部。 And part of President Bush’s conversations with President Kagame in February was to go after the leadership of these groups, which often act as hostage — they keep the normal rank-and-file hostage.和部分美國總統布什的談話同卡加梅總統在2月去後，領導這些團體，這往往充當人質-他們保持正常的員佐級被扣為人質。 And so we really do need to, in many ways, cut off the head and these guys are that leadership.所以，我們確實需要，在許多方面，切斷頭部和這些傢伙是領導。 And the Secretary had the same conversations when she met in December in Addis Ababa with President Kagame and Museveni and the defense and foreign ministers of the Congo, saying that we would renew our efforts to try to get some type of – not some type of, but to implement the Goma and Nairobi agreement as part of a comprehensive approach to finally resolving the crisis in eastern Congo.和局長有相同的會話時，她會見了於12月在亞的斯亞貝巴同卡加梅總統和穆塞韋尼和國防和外長，剛果，說我們會繼續努力爭取某種類型的-不是某些類型的，但實施戈馬和內羅畢協議的全面辦法的一部分，最終解決這場危機在剛果東部。
QUESTION: Well, when was the last information about Kabuga being in Kenya? 問：那麼，當是最後的信息卡布加被在肯尼亞？ When is the last time that there was a sighting of him or any kind of information about him being there?當是最後一次有一個發現他或任何種類的信息約他在那裡呢？
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: I don’t want to get into too specific a detail, but there has been information over – certainly over the last year indicating that he’s there. 威廉森大使：我不想進入太具體，詳細，但一直信息-當然，在過去一年中表明他的存在。 Now, whether that can be verified or not, it’s hard to say.現在，是否可以核實或沒有，這很難說。 But there has been a pretty steady flow of information.但一直相當穩定的信息流。
QUESTION: Since then? 問：自那時以來 ？ Because I remember about a year and half ago, there was a big swell in the ICTR people coming to Nairobi and saying “do something” to the Kenyan Government and, you know, we think he’s here.因為我記得大約一年半前，有一個大的膨脹，在盧旺達問題國際法庭的人來內羅畢和說， “做點事”向肯尼亞政府和，大家都知道，我們認為他是在這裡。
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: I mean, there have continued to be reports over the last year. 威廉森大使：我的意思是 ，有繼續得到報告，在過去一年中。 If that’s it on this issue, I’ll –如果這是它在這個問題上，我會-
QUESTION: Just a point of clarification. 問：剛才澄清一點。 So it’s 5 million for each of these people or is it five million total?因此，它的5000000分別為這些人，抑或是5000000總？
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: The reward goes up to 5 million as to any individual. 威廉森大使：懸賞高達五百萬以任何個人。
QUESTION: Okay. 問：好。 So it potentially could be ten for two or something like that.因此，它有可能可以10為2或類似的東西。
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: Yes. 威廉森大使：是的。
QUESTION: Potentially, okay (inaudible.) 問：有可能，好（ inaudible. ）
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: If you got really lucky, yes. 威廉森大使：如果您得到真正幸運的，是的。 (Laughter.) （ laughter. ）
QUESTION: Fifteen for three, in fact. 問： 15 3 ，在事實。
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: If you told us which house he was in, and what hour he was going to be there. 助理國務卿弗雷澤：如果您告訴我們，這房子他是在和什麼小時，他去那裡。
QUESTION: (Inaudible) but that – but that’s just for these five. 問： （無聲） ，但-但是，這只是為這些5 。 It’s up to 5 million?它的多達5百萬？
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: For the eight. 助理國務卿弗雷澤：為8 。
QUESTION: For the – for the other eight are also five million? 問：為-為其他八個也五百萬？
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: Yes, yeah. 威廉森大使：是的，嗯。
QUESTION: Yeah? 問：是啊？
AMBASSADOR WILLIAMSON: It’s anyone in a Rewards for Justice program. 威廉森大使：它的任何人在一個正義獎賞計劃程序。 But as I say, it depends on who the fugitive is.但正如我所說，這取決於誰是逃犯。 It depends on the type and quality of information that comes in. So all of these factor into the final decision on how much money would be allocated.它依賴於類型和質量的信息來英寸，使所有這些因素最終決定了多少錢將分配。
Sudan [2] 蘇丹[ 2 ]
QUESTION: Secretary Frazer, on another topic, do you have any comment on the JEM-led coup attempt last week and Chad and Sudan breaking off ties? 問：局長弗雷澤，在另一個話題，你對此有何評論對正義與平等運動為首的政變企圖上週和乍得和蘇丹斷絕關係？ Are you worried that that could fuel further hostilities?你是否擔心這可能燃料進一步敵對行動？
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: We are – we certainly are concerned and we’ve condemned the attack of the Justice Equality Movement on Khartoum. 助理國務卿弗雷澤：我們是-我們當然關注，而且我們也譴責這次襲擊的正義平等運動在喀土穆。 [3] And we’ve called for the Government of Sudan to not carry out reprisals, especially against Zaghawa or Darfurians. [ 3 ] ，我們已經呼籲蘇丹政府不進行報復，特別是針對扎格哈瓦或達爾富爾。 We are looking at action in the – at the UN, again, to express our concern that this not become a regional conflict and a greater increase in the tension between Chad and Sudan.我們現正研究在行動-在聯合國，再次表達我們的關切，這不會成為一個地區衝突和更大的增加之間的緊張關係乍得和蘇丹。
QUESTION: What do you make of the latest – I mean, the latest arrest of – Hassan Turabi seems to be in some kind of a revolving door in Khartoum where he’s in and out, in and out, in and out. 問：你怎麼作出的最新-我的意思是，最新的拘捕-哈桑圖拉比似乎是在一些樣的旋轉門在喀土穆，他的中和，在和，在和。 Is there anything – do you see anything coming from this?有什麼-你看到任何來自這？
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: Well, of course, Khalil Ibrahim, the head of the Justice Equality Movement, is known to have been very close to Turabi.助理國務卿弗雷澤：好的，當然 ，哈利勒易卜拉欣，主管司法平等運動，是眾所周知的已非常接近，圖拉比。 [4] And so there’sa concern that, in fact, the Government of Sudan will overreact and arrest a large number of people because of the political relationships and because of the ethnic association of JEM being in Darfur and their connections with Turabi. [ 4 ] ，所以有關注的是，事實上，蘇丹政府將過敏，並逮捕了一大批人因為政治的關係，因為非華裔協會日本實驗艙被在達爾富爾和他們的聯繫，圖拉比。 So we are trying to encourage the government to be – to not do, you know, blanket arrests, but rather to – you know, try to, of course, (inaudible) their relationship with Chad.因此，我們正設法鼓勵政府-不這樣做，你知道，一律逮捕，而是-你知道，嘗試，當然，（無聲），他們同乍得的關係。 But also, we would join with them in denouncing the Justice Equality Movement.但同時，我們將加入與他們在聲討正義平等運動。 It’s unacceptable.這是不可接受的。
QUESTION: But you don’t see the hand of Turabi in this – 問：但你看不到的手，圖拉比在這方面-
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: Well, it’s kind of early to know, but not necessarily. 助理國務卿弗雷澤：好的 ，它的種早知道，但未必是。 I think that they’re – it’sa bit over-determined who Justice Equality Movement is getting their assistance from.我覺得他們很-這一點確定誰正義平等運動是獲得他們的協助。 There are many different sources, possible sources of assistance.有許多不同的來源，可能的援助來源。
QUESTION: Okay. 問：好。
QUESTION: What does – just to follow up, what does this mean for the peace process there? 問：是什麼 -只是跟進，這是什麼意思，為那裡的和平進程？
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: Which one? 助理國務卿弗雷澤：哪一個？
QUESTION: Sudanese reconciliation, you know – 問：蘇丹和解，你知道-
QUESTION: North-South? 問：南北？
QUESTION: No, not North-South. 問：沒有，而不是南北。 Darfur, Khartoum.達爾富爾，喀土穆。
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: Well, we’ve always known, which is why we have sanctions on Khalil Ibrahim, that his commitment to peace was tenuous and that his goal was a political agenda to take over. 助理國務卿弗雷澤：好的 ，我們一直都知道，這就是為什麼我們有制裁對哈利勒易卜拉欣，他對和平的承諾是脆弱的和他的目標是一個政治議程接管。 I mean, he’s been very open that his desire is to take over the Government of Sudan.我的意思是，他一直很開放，他的願望是接管蘇丹政府。 And so, you know, even as far back as the Abuja Peace Accord, there was little expectation that JEM would actually sign on to a peace agreement.所以，你知道，即使早在阿布賈和平協議，有沒有什麼期望，即正義與平等運動，實際上就簽署一項和平協議。
Eritrea – Djibouti 厄立特里亞-吉布提
QUESTION: Can I ask about another country? 問：我可以問另一個國家呢？ Your old friends, the Eritreans, seem to be stirring the pot again, [5] this time with Djibouti, complaining about them.您的老朋友，厄立特里亞，似乎是攪拌鍋再次， [ 5 ]這個時候與吉布提，抱怨他們。 And I’m just wondering, one, what you make of that, if you think that there’s any – any threat there, particularly given the situation with UNMEE and its withdrawal from Eritrea completely.和我只是好奇，一，你作出的，如果你認為有什麼-有任何威脅，尤其是鑑於當地的局勢與埃厄特派團撤出厄立特里亞完全。 And also, a while back, you had said that there was some thought being given to putting Eritrea on the state sponsors list.和也，而回，你曾表示，是有一些思想，當局現正考慮把厄立特里亞對國家的共同提案國的名單。 Has that gone anywhere?已表示了在任何地方？
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: On the first question about their incursion into Djiboutian territory, we are continuing to investigate and study it. 助理國務卿弗雷澤：關於第一個問題對他們的入侵吉布提領土，我們正繼續進行調查和研究。 There could be any number of reasons for that, including that many of their military are deserting, may be deserting in that direction, and so they’re trying to put a block up.可能會有任何數目的原因是，包括他們的許多軍事遺棄，可能會開小差，在這個方向，所以他們正試圖提出一個座。 Another explanation is that they may be concerned about peace talks between the Somali opposition that sits in Eritrea and the Transitional Federal Government talks which were supposed to happen in Djibouti.另一個解釋是，他們可能會擔心在約之間的和平談判，索馬里反對派設在厄立特里亞和過渡聯邦政府會談，其中假定發生在吉布提。 And they’re trying to send a message to the Djiboutian Government.和他們正試圖發出一個信息，向吉布提政府。 So there are many hypotheses about why.因此，有很多假說的原因。 We don’t have firm evidence from the Eritrean Government about why in fact, they’ve, you know, invaded, essentially, or occupied territory in Djibouti.我們並沒有確實的證據，由厄立特里亞政府為何在事實上，他們已經是，你知道，入侵，基本上，或在被佔領土在吉布提。 [6] [ 6 ]
Somalia 索馬里
On the second question, we continue to look at this question about state sponsor of terror.關於第二個問題，我們繼續研究這個問題，對國家支持恐怖的。 We continue to monitor the activity of the Eritrean Government.我們會繼續監察有關的活動，厄立特里亞政府。 Our intelligence community is looking very closely at support for opposition versus support for Al Shabab.我們的情報社區期待非常密切，在支持反對銀兩支持基地shabab 。 I think you know that there’s been a split [7[ between the Shabab which is – which has al-Qaida – which has members who have affiliations with al-Qaida, and the – what do they call themselves, [8] the ARS – the Reliberation of Somalia, the Alliance for the Reliberation of Somalia, there’s been a split between those two groups.我想你知道，有的被分裂[ 7 [之間的shabab這是-這已基地組織的-它的成員有背景，誰與基地組織，以及-什麼，他們自稱， [8 ]亞美尼亞救濟協會-r eliberation索馬里的，該聯盟為r eliberation的索馬里，還有的被分裂之間的兩個群體。 We clearly see that Eritrea continues to have Aweys who is designated under Security Council resolution and the United States as a terrorist being hosted in Eritrea.我們清醒地看到，厄立特里亞繼續有aweys誰是下指定的安理會決議和美國列為恐怖被設在厄立特里亞。 So clearly, we have to keep watching it.因此，很顯然，我們必須繼續收看。 [9] [ 9 ]
We’ve sent messages in to the Government of Eritrea that they need to stop harboring terrorists and not support any terrorists in Somalia and the region as a whole, but no final determination has been made.我們已經發送的郵件在向厄立特里亞政府，他們必須停止窩藏恐怖分子和不支持任何恐怖分子在索馬里和該地區作為一個整體，但還沒有最後的決心，已經取得了。
Zimbabwe [10] 津巴布韋[ 10 ]
QUESTION: On another area, do you have any comment on what’s happening in Zimbabwe and the runoff and whether there will be enough monitors? 問：對另一個領域，這樣做，你對此有何評論了什麼事，在津巴布韋和徑流和是否有足夠監察？ Do you think it could be a fair poll if it does indeed, you know, go ahead?你認為這可能是一個公平的調查，如果確實，你知道，繼續呢？
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: Well, right now, the conditions aren’t there for a free and fair runoff, but certainly, we hope that the conditions can be put in place. 助理國務卿弗雷澤：好的，現在的權利 ，條件是有沒有為建立一個自由和公平的徑流，但當然，我們希望這個條件可以付諸實施。 And those conditions would have to include an end to the violence, which is essentially state-sponsored violence against the opposition.和這些條件將必須包括結束暴力，這是基本上是國家贊助的暴力侵害的反對。 It would have to include a massive number of monitors that can go out into the rural area.它必須包括大量監視器，可以走出去到農村地區。 We would hope that there would be greater transparency so that there could be international press that would be allowed in. So those are all conditions that we would expect to be put in place prior to the runoff taking place, including conditions so that the leader of the opposition and the person who got the most votes in the first round is not threatened if he returns home to Zimbabwe.我們希望會有更大的透明度，以便有可能是國際新聞界表示，將允許英寸，使這些都是條件，我們會期望能夠落實到位之前，徑流的地方，包括條件，使領導人反對黨和人誰獲得最多選票，在第一輪不受到威脅，如果他返回家中向津巴布韋。 So some type of security and guarantees for Morgan Tsvangirai’s safety certainly should be a necessary condition for holding a runoff.因此，某種類型的安全和保證摩根茨萬吉拉伊的安全，當然應該是一個必要條件，舉行了徑流。
The United States is prepared to assist and support the creation of those conditions by supporting SADC, by supporting the African Union, by working with the United Nations and other institutions and organizations that will be necessary to put in place those — the necessary conditions for a runoff.美國準備協助和支持創造這些條件，支持南部非洲發展共同體，支持非洲聯盟，通過與聯合國和其他機構和組織將要付諸表決，在那些地方-的必要條件，一徑流。
QUESTION: Do you think that the SADC countries are doing enough? 問：你是否認為，南共體國家正在做的是否足夠？ The Secretary called some of Zimbabwe’s neighbors on Friday to try and get them to do more.局長所謂的一些津巴布韋的鄰國對週五嘗試，並讓他們做更多的工作。 Do you think that they are doing enough —你認為他們做得不夠-
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: Well, I think they’re going to have to keep – it’s not — they’re going to have to keep doing more. 助理國務卿弗雷澤 ：好的，我認為他們要去要保持-它不是-他們要去要繼續做更多。 It’s sort of a continuous process.它的排序的一個持續的過程。 And we know that President Mbeki was in Harare.而我們知道，南非總統姆貝基是在哈拉雷。 We haven’t yet had a chance to learn more about what was communicated during this trip, but we certainly do hope that he made it very clear to President Mugabe that the violence has to end, that the human rights violations have to come to an end.我們還未有機會更多地了解什麼是溝通，在此行，但我們當然希望他說得很清楚，向穆加貝總統說，暴力衝突已結束，即侵犯人權的行為已來1末端。 And we hope that he pushed for allowing international monitors in a runoff.我們希望，他被推為讓國際監督人員在一徑流。 But we yet — we haven’t yet gotten a readout of that meeting from his visit.但我們尚未-我們尚未得到了讀出該次會議從他的訪問。
QUESTION: Are you dealing directly with Mugabe yourself or are you just channeling everything through SADC? 問：你是否直接處理與穆加貝自己或者您只是竄一切通過南部非洲發展共同體？
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: We, as the United States, we certainly deal with the Government of Zimbabwe, primarily through our Ambassador James McGee, who is in Harare. 助理國務卿弗雷澤：我們作為美國 ，我們當然處理與津巴布韋政府，主要是通過我們的大使詹姆斯科麥奇，究竟是誰在哈拉雷。 We haven’t had a conversation with President Mugabe.我們還沒有一個會話與穆加貝總統。 He hasn’t — he’s been selective about who he will talk to in terms of answering his phone.他卻沒有-他的選擇性是誰，他會跟在條款回答了他的電話。
QUESTION: So he hasn’t — have you tried to get hold of him and not been able to? 問：所以他並沒有-你試圖掌握他仍未能？
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: Early on, very early on after March 29th, we made an effort to speak to him and haven’t been able to — weren’t able to reach him. 助理國務卿弗雷澤：初期，很早就後， 3月29日，我們作出了努力，他的發言和尚未能-沒能達到他。 But not since then.但不自那時以來。
QUESTION: Back to the conditions that you would like to see for the runoff, how many of those realistically do you expect to see, if any? 問：回到條件，您想看到的徑流，多少人切實您期望看到的，如有的話呢？
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: Well, we certainly don’t yet know when the runoff will occur. 助理國務卿弗雷澤：好的 ，當然，我們還不知道時，徑流會發生。 According to the electoral law, it should be 21 days after the announcement of — the ZEC announcement of the outcome.根據選舉法，應該在21天內公佈後-z ec公佈結果。 So we are running down that time very quickly.因此，我們正在運行的下跌，當時非常快。 It took them five weeks to make the announcement, but they haven’t yet said when the runoff date would be.他們花了五個星期，作出宣布，但他們還沒有說，當徑流日期會。
Certainly, if they pull a surprise and they say that the runoff is in a week, it’s very unlikely that you’re going to have the number of monitors there necessary for a free and fair runoff. But we won’t know until we know what the date is. But I think that there’sa clear will on the part of SADC, on the part of the AU and on the part of the international community to try to create the conditions. I’m not so sure that there’sa clear will on the part of the Government of Zimbabwe.
QUESTION: Thank you
. 。
ASSISTANT SECRETARY FRAZER: Thank you.
2008/385
Commentary
[1] - One wonders what makes the Rwandan Genocide ‘real’ for the US State Department, and what makes ‘unreal’, ‘unimportant’ and ‘barely credible’ the ongoing Ogaden Genocide, the deliberate Somali Genocide, the 2003 Anuak Genocide, and the enduring Oromo and Somali Genocides that have been lasting over more than a century with extremely severe phases, involving massive extermination, millions of brutally assassinated, and millions of sold as slaves.
[2] - The American policy in Sudan has been decided in Riyadh by Dick Cheney’s terrorist friend, the pseudo-king Abdullah of Saudi Arabia who cares much about the preservation of a murderous Pan-Arabist regime at Khartoum, and tries hard to avert the much needed dissolution of the tyrannical, colonial creature ‘Sudan’ where a great number of nations from the Nuer and the Dinka to the Anyuak, the Beja, the Nubians, the Hausa and the Furis of Darfur have been exposed to an incredible tyranny and systematic arabization. America’s reluctance to send soldiers in Darfur and opposition to Darfur’s secession and independence contradicts the US policy in Kosova. America’s shameful demonization of the slaughtered people of Darfur - and of their movement of National Independence - consists in a 2nd Darfur genocide, as it helps only perpetuate the killings and the persecution of the Nation of Fur (Darfur) at the hands of the criminal, barbaric Janjaweed of tyrant Al Bashir.
[3] - Any act carried out by the Justice Equality Movement, like the recent attack in Omdurman, western part of Khartoum, is justified in the light of the criminal, pro-Islamist, pro-Arabist, and pro-terrorist stance of the US. If America wants to avert similar acts in the future, there is only one measure to take: Formal Independence for Darfur.
[4] - If Hassan al Turabi is considered close to a movement of national liberation and independence (like JEM), then automatically all claims about his contacts his Osama bin Laden (as proof of Turabi’s extremism) are ridiculous. These claims are as ludicrous as an eventual accusation of Former President Jimmy Carter as Communist, asserted on the occasion of Carter’s contacts with Brezhnev and Mao.
[5] - This journalist is a provocateur; the anti-Eritrean bias of the sort ’seem to be stirring the pot again’ is most probably the result of the shameful acts perpetrated by the bogus-diplomats of the ‘Ethiopian’ embassies. These unrepresentative houses of Neo-Nazi propaganda are manned by Monophysitic Amhara and Tigray racist gangsters who represent only 18% of the country’s total population and are ceaselessly active through their position to further implement, consolidate and perpetuate their ethno-religious group’s tyranny over all the rest, namely the outright majority (82%) of the country. These are the ‘Ethiopian’ scientists of the most atrocious genocide of all times.
[6] - That’s it; there is no evidence (”We don’t have firm evidence”), but there is already an anti-Eritrean predisposition. This is simply called bias.
[7] - What accuracy, and what update! This occurred last September, but Jendayi Frazer presents the fact as having taken place just yesterday!
[8] - This sh