By Khamati Shilabukha由khamati shilabukha
In the past few years, there have been efforts to re-position Africa in the globalising world to take care of relationships among its states and the rest of the world.在过去几年中，已在努力，以重新定位，非洲国家在全球化的世界，以照顾之间的关系，其国和世界其余地区。
The association of African states was restructured from the Organisation of African Unity, to the African Union.该协会的非洲国家的改组从非洲统一组织，非洲联盟。 Many would argue that this is merely a change in name and not in the character of the organisation.很多人认为这只是一个名称的改变，而不是性质的组织。
Proponents of the “new” outfit argue that it is meant to generate a new awareness of who we are.倡议者， “新”装备认为，就是要产生一个新的认识，我们是谁。 Many also hold the view that Africans are too divided to evolve into a meaningful regional identity.许多人还认为，非洲人过于分歧演变为一个有意义的区域形象。
This argument stems from the myriad conflict situations in the continent.这种说法源于无数的冲突局势在非洲大陆。 The conflicts are both intra-national and international, with the former more prevalent.冲突都是内部的国家和国际，与前更为普遍。
Intra-national conflicts are often the result of internal (political/economic) power squabbles.内部的民族冲突，往往是因内部（政治/经济）权力的争吵。 Sierra Leone, Liberia, DRC, Rwanda, Madagascar, Central Africa Republic, Algeria, Ivory Coast and Kenya are some examples of countries that have experienced such conflicts.塞拉利昂，利比里亚，刚果民主共和国，卢旺达，马达加斯加，中部非洲共和国，阿尔及利亚，象牙海岸和肯尼亚都是一些例子，国家经历了这种冲突。 They have all received adequate media coverage.他们都获得足够的媒体报道。 But the other genre of conflict has not received the same kind of coverage, yet it is crucial in the pursuit of a global and modern Africa.但其他类型的冲突并没有收到相同的种覆盖，但它是非常重要的在追求一个全球性和现代非洲。
This conflict derives from all forms of discrimination including racism and xenophobia.这场冲突源于一切形式的歧视，包括种族主义和仇外心理。 It is vicious and has gone on for some time.这是恶性，并已进行了一段时间的。 These forms of discrimination are serious, and efforts have been made to put them on the global agenda.这些形式的歧视，严重的，并已作出努力把他们在全球议程上。
The most appropriate example is the current attacks on foreigners in South Africa.最适当的例子是，目前的攻击，对外国人在南非举行。 The question that begs answers is, why at this time in Africa?议题是不敢苟同的答案是，为什么在这个时候是在非洲吗？ All sectors of a society have an obligation to contribute to the resolution of this conflict.各阶层的一个社会都有义务有助于解决这一冲突。 We need to examine the extent to which as leaders, scholars and policy makers, we can intervene in this scourge called xenophobia.我们需要研究在何种程度上作为领导人，学者和决策者，我们可以进行干预，在这一祸害所谓的仇外心理。
It is argued that xenophobia is a result of poor intercultural communication.有人争辩说，仇外心理是一个结果，穷人跨文化交际。 Members of one culture do not understand, appreciate and accommodate those from another culture.成员之一的文化并不了解，欣赏和容纳那些从另一种文化。 They lack adequate information to deal with such people with the least stress and threat.他们缺乏足够的信息来处理这类的人，至少压力和威胁。
But acquiring such information does not come easy and the poor management of communication often leads to strife.但获取这些资料并不容易，以及管理不善沟通，往往导致内乱。 This could be the case in South Africa.这可能是此案在南非举行。 One major source of information that allows us a wide world view and a more holistic perception and appreciation of others is the mass media.其中一个主要的资料来源，使我们广泛的世界观和更全面的认知和欣赏别人的是大众传媒。 But the mass media, as inanimate objects, cannot do anything.但大众传媒，作为无生命的物体，不能做任何事情。 It is those who use and manipulate them that can make the difference.这是那些谁使用和操纵他们，可以使差异。
Xenophobia is a global problem. Although the phenomenon is ubiquitous in contemporary societies, its targets vary across countries and nations. 仇外心理是一个全球性问题，虽然是普遍存在的现象，在当代社会，其目标也是不同的国家和民族。 It is such that even those who have been a subject of hate also develop hatred for others.它是如此，即使是那些谁一直受到仇恨，也发展仇恨别人。 But how does this hatred come about?但如何，这是否仇恨来呢？ Anthropologists and other social scientists posit that a population composed mainly of foreigners is an environment in which xenophobia can easily thrive.人类学家和其它社会科学家posit一个人口组成的，主要是外国人，是一种环境，使仇外心理可以轻松地蓬勃发展。
They distinguish three theoretical approaches to the rise and diffusion of hatred.他们区分三个理论方法的兴起和扩散的仇恨。 The first relates to socio-economic status of individuals, the second pertains to their cultural identity and the third the general attributes of society.第一个问题涉及社会经济地位的个人，第二是属于他们的文化身份和第三次的一般属性的社会。
Source of hatred 来源仇恨
The first approach derives from the “power theory” – a paradigm that views the relationship between groups as a function of their competitive positions.第一种方法源自“权力理论” -一个范式的意见之间的关系，群体作为一个功能他们的竞争地位。 This concept suggests that a threat of one particular group to another is a source of hatred.这个概念表明的威胁，特别是一组到另一个是一个来源的仇恨。 When people feel insecure in the face of threat, they portray resentment and hate.当人们感到不安，在面对威胁，他们塑造的不满和仇恨。 But here, the intensity of hate need not necessarily depend on real competition on the job market but on the perception of threat.但在这里，强度仇恨不一定需要依赖于真正的竞争，对就业市场，但对观感的威胁。 This is sufficient ground to induce animosity.这是足够理由促使敌对情绪。 Much of this is absent in the South African situation.大部分的缺席，这是在南非的情况。
The cultural symbolic approach holds that animosity towards the other is not a consequence of economic competition between rival groups.文化象征的做法，认为敌视另一种是没有后果的经济竞争之间的对立集团。 It is a product of early political and value socialisation.是一种产品，它早期的政治和社交价值。 The main issue here is the fear of loss of social status and identity.主要问题是这里的恐惧，丧失社会地位和身份。
Thus, cultural differences among people could be responsible for conflicts and hatred.因此，文化差异，人与人之间可以负责的冲突和仇恨。 In this approach, it can be explained that people would prefer to be surrounded by their own kind rather than be exposed to “strangers”.在此方法中，它可以解释说，人们宁愿被包围，由他们自己的一种，而不是被暴露在“陌生人” 。 Defining a group of people as “un-belonging” to the national “we” deprives them of the right to belong.确定了一批人，作为“联合国属于”国家“我们” ，剥夺了他们的权利属于。 Much of this is also absent in South Africa.很多，这也是缺席在南非举行。
The third approach, termed phenomenology, attributes xenophobia not to economic strains or cultural divergence but to general attributes of society.第三种做法，被称为现象学，属性仇外心理的不经济株或文化的分歧，但一般属性的社会。 When society experiences deep crises, which occur intermittently, anomic tensions encroach upon social postures.当社会的经验，深刻危机，这些危机发生间歇性， anomic的紧张局势，侵犯社会的姿态。
This leads to a crisis of collective identity “so that the calm self-certainty which might enable unproblematic relations with the minorities gets lost”.这导致的危机，集体认同“ ，使平静的自我肯定，这可能使不成问题的关系与少数获得迷失” 。 Under this approach, xenophobia is interpreted as a way of reassuring the national self and its boundaries, as an attempt at making sense of the world in times of crisis.根据这一办法，仇外心理是解释为一种令人安心的民族自决和在其境内，作为一个企图在决策的责任感，世界在发生危机的时候。 This could be happening to indigenous South Africans.这可能是发生在南非土著。
To start with, the impeding fallout between President Thabo Mbeki and Africa National Congress (ANC) leader Jacob Zuma could be disillusioning to many ordinary citizens of African descent.首先，阻碍尘之间的总统姆贝基和非洲国民大会（非国大）领袖祖马可失望的许多普通公民，非洲人后裔。
Many of them subscribe to ANC with a passion yet they find themselves on the sidelines when major party decisions are being made.他们中的许多订阅非国大与激情，但他们发现自己就在一旁当党的决定，主要是正在取得进展。 At the same time, they have not benefited from the economic prosperity of their country.在同一时间内，他们并没有受益于经济繁荣，他们的国家。
Many South Africans still live in squalid conditions and the dream of land reform has turned into a pipe dream.许多南非人仍生活在肮脏的条件和梦想的土地，改革变成了梦想。 These issues run so deep in their collective psyche that they need reassurance of economic and social survival.这些问题来说，如此之深，在他们的集体心理，他们需要得到保证经济和社会的生存。 But they are directing their anger at the wrong enemy.但他们指挥他们的愤怒在错误的敌人。
Many of the low class Zimbabweans, Malawians, Zambians and nationals of other countries are escaping economic hardship and political violence which South Africa has refused to acknowledge as a problem, especially in Zimbabwe.许多低阶层的津巴布韦，马拉维，赞比亚和其他国家的国民是摆脱经济困境和政治暴力，南非拒不承认一个问题，尤其是在津巴布韦。
They should commit themselves to assisting them to the best of their capacity.他们应承诺，以协助他们尽其能力。 And this applies to other countries with a chance to host other Africans in need of refuge and sanctuary.这适用于其他国家的一个机会，主办其他非洲人有需要的避难所和庇护所。
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