By Khamati Shilabukha由khamati shilabukha
In the past few years, there have been efforts to re-position Africa in the globalising world to take care of relationships among its states and the rest of the world.在過去幾年中，已在努力，以重新定位，非洲國家在全球化的世界，以照顧之間的關係，其國和世界其餘地區。
The association of African states was restructured from the Organisation of African Unity, to the African Union.該協會的非洲國家的改組從非洲統一組織，非洲聯盟。 Many would argue that this is merely a change in name and not in the character of the organisation.很多人認為這只是一個名稱的改變，而不是性質的組織。
Proponents of the “new” outfit argue that it is meant to generate a new awareness of who we are.倡議者， “新”裝備認為，就是要產生一個新的認識，我們是誰。 Many also hold the view that Africans are too divided to evolve into a meaningful regional identity.許多人還認為，非洲人過於分歧演變為一個有意義的區域形象。
This argument stems from the myriad conflict situations in the continent.這種說法源於無數的衝突局勢在非洲大陸。 The conflicts are both intra-national and international, with the former more prevalent.衝突都是內部的國家和國際，與前更為普遍。
Intra-national conflicts are often the result of internal (political/economic) power squabbles.內部的民族衝突，往往是因內部（政治/經濟）權力的爭吵。 Sierra Leone, Liberia, DRC, Rwanda, Madagascar, Central Africa Republic, Algeria, Ivory Coast and Kenya are some examples of countries that have experienced such conflicts.塞拉利昂，利比里亞，剛果民主共和國，盧旺達，馬達加斯加，中部非洲共和國，阿爾及利亞，象牙海岸和肯尼亞都是一些例子，國家經歷了這種衝突。 They have all received adequate media coverage.他們都獲得足夠的媒體報導。 But the other genre of conflict has not received the same kind of coverage, yet it is crucial in the pursuit of a global and modern Africa.但其他類型的衝突並沒有收到相同的種覆蓋，但它是非常重要的在追求一個全球性和現代非洲。
This conflict derives from all forms of discrimination including racism and xenophobia.這場衝突源於一切形式的歧視，包括種族主義和仇外心理。 It is vicious and has gone on for some time.這是惡性，並已進行了一段時間的。 These forms of discrimination are serious, and efforts have been made to put them on the global agenda.這些形式的歧視，嚴重的，並已作出努力把他們在全球議程上。
The most appropriate example is the current attacks on foreigners in South Africa.最適當的例子是，目前的攻擊，對外國人在南非舉行。 The question that begs answers is, why at this time in Africa?議題是不敢苟同的答案是，為什麼在這個時候是在非洲嗎？ All sectors of a society have an obligation to contribute to the resolution of this conflict.各階層的一個社會都有義務有助於解決這一衝突。 We need to examine the extent to which as leaders, scholars and policy makers, we can intervene in this scourge called xenophobia.我們需要研究在何種程度上作為領導人，學者和決策者，我們可以進行干預，在這一禍害所謂的仇外心理。
It is argued that xenophobia is a result of poor intercultural communication.有人爭辯說，仇外心理是一個結果，窮人跨文化交際。 Members of one culture do not understand, appreciate and accommodate those from another culture.成員之一的文化並不了解，欣賞和容納那些從另一種文化。 They lack adequate information to deal with such people with the least stress and threat.他們缺乏足夠的信息來處理這類的人，至少壓力和威脅。
But acquiring such information does not come easy and the poor management of communication often leads to strife.但獲取這些資料並不容易，以及管理不善溝通，往往導致內亂。 This could be the case in South Africa.這可能是此案在南非舉行。 One major source of information that allows us a wide world view and a more holistic perception and appreciation of others is the mass media.其中一個主要的資料來源，使我們廣泛的世界觀和更全面的認知和欣賞別人的是大眾傳媒。 But the mass media, as inanimate objects, cannot do anything.但大眾傳媒，作為無生命的物體，不能做任何事情。 It is those who use and manipulate them that can make the difference.這是那些誰使用和操縱他們，可以使差異。
Xenophobia is a global problem. Although the phenomenon is ubiquitous in contemporary societies, its targets vary across countries and nations. 仇外心理是一個全球性問題，雖然是普遍存在的現象，在當代社會，其目標也是不同的國家和民族。 It is such that even those who have been a subject of hate also develop hatred for others.它是如此，即使是那些誰一直受到仇恨，也發展仇恨別人。 But how does this hatred come about?但如何，這是否仇恨來呢？ Anthropologists and other social scientists posit that a population composed mainly of foreigners is an environment in which xenophobia can easily thrive.人類學家和其它社會科學家posit一個人口組成的，主要是外國人，是一種環境，使仇外心理可以輕鬆地蓬勃發展。
They distinguish three theoretical approaches to the rise and diffusion of hatred.他們區分三個理論方法的興起和擴散的仇恨。 The first relates to socio-economic status of individuals, the second pertains to their cultural identity and the third the general attributes of society.第一個問題涉及社會經濟地位的個人，第二是屬於他們的文化身份和第三次的一般屬性的社會。
Source of hatred 來源仇恨
The first approach derives from the “power theory” – a paradigm that views the relationship between groups as a function of their competitive positions.第一種方法源自“權力理論” -一個範式的意見之間的關係，群體作為一個功能他們的競爭地位。 This concept suggests that a threat of one particular group to another is a source of hatred.這個概念表明的威脅，特別是一組到另一個是一個來源的仇恨。 When people feel insecure in the face of threat, they portray resentment and hate.當人們感到不安，在面對威脅，他們塑造的不滿和仇恨。 But here, the intensity of hate need not necessarily depend on real competition on the job market but on the perception of threat.但在這裡，強度仇恨不一定需要依賴於真正的競爭，對就業市場，但對觀感的威脅。 This is sufficient ground to induce animosity.這是足夠理由促使敵對情緒。 Much of this is absent in the South African situation.大部分的缺席，這是在南非的情況。
The cultural symbolic approach holds that animosity towards the other is not a consequence of economic competition between rival groups.文化象徵的做法，認為敵視另一種是沒有後果的經濟競爭之間的對立集團。 It is a product of early political and value socialisation.是一種產品，它早期的政治和社交價值。 The main issue here is the fear of loss of social status and identity.主要問題是這裡的恐懼，喪失社會地位和身份。
Thus, cultural differences among people could be responsible for conflicts and hatred.因此，文化差異，人與人之間可以負責的衝突和仇恨。 In this approach, it can be explained that people would prefer to be surrounded by their own kind rather than be exposed to “strangers”.在此方法中，它可以解釋說，人們寧願被包圍，由他們自己的一種，而不是被暴露在“陌生人” 。 Defining a group of people as “un-belonging” to the national “we” deprives them of the right to belong.確定了一批人，作為“聯合國屬於”國家“我們” ，剝奪了他們的權利屬於。 Much of this is also absent in South Africa.很多，這也是缺席在南非舉行。
The third approach, termed phenomenology, attributes xenophobia not to economic strains or cultural divergence but to general attributes of society.第三種做法，被稱為現象學，屬性仇外心理的不經濟株或文化的分歧，但一般屬性的社會。 When society experiences deep crises, which occur intermittently, anomic tensions encroach upon social postures.當社會的經驗，深刻危機，這些危機發生間歇性， anomic的緊張局勢，侵犯社會的姿態。
This leads to a crisis of collective identity “so that the calm self-certainty which might enable unproblematic relations with the minorities gets lost”.這導致的危機，集體認同“ ，使平靜的自我肯定，這可能使不成問題的關係與少數獲得迷失” 。 Under this approach, xenophobia is interpreted as a way of reassuring the national self and its boundaries, as an attempt at making sense of the world in times of crisis.根據這一辦法，仇外心理是解釋為一種令人安心的民族自決和在其境內，作為一個企圖在決策的責任感，世界在發生危機的時候。 This could be happening to indigenous South Africans.這可能是發生在南非土著。
To start with, the impeding fallout between President Thabo Mbeki and Africa National Congress (ANC) leader Jacob Zuma could be disillusioning to many ordinary citizens of African descent.首先，阻礙塵之間的總統姆貝基和非洲國民大會（非國大）領袖祖馬可失望的許多普通公民，非洲人後裔。
Many of them subscribe to ANC with a passion yet they find themselves on the sidelines when major party decisions are being made.他們中的許多訂閱非國大與激情，但他們發現自己就在一旁當黨的決定，主要是正在取得進展。 At the same time, they have not benefited from the economic prosperity of their country.在同一時間內，他們並沒有受益於經濟繁榮，他們的國家。
Many South Africans still live in squalid conditions and the dream of land reform has turned into a pipe dream.許多南非人仍生活在骯髒的條件和夢想的土地，改革變成了夢想。 These issues run so deep in their collective psyche that they need reassurance of economic and social survival.這些問題來說，如此之深，在他們的集體心理，他們需要得到保證經濟和社會的生存。 But they are directing their anger at the wrong enemy.但他們指揮他們的憤怒在錯誤的敵人。
Many of the low class Zimbabweans, Malawians, Zambians and nationals of other countries are escaping economic hardship and political violence which South Africa has refused to acknowledge as a problem, especially in Zimbabwe.許多低階層的津巴布韋，馬拉維，贊比亞和其他國家的國民是擺脫經濟困境和政治暴力，南非拒不承認一個問題，尤其是在津巴布韋。
They should commit themselves to assisting them to the best of their capacity.他們應承諾，以協助他們盡其能力。 And this applies to other countries with a chance to host other Africans in need of refuge and sanctuary.這適用於其他國家的一個機會，主辦其他非洲人有需要的避難所和庇護所。
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