Writes: James N. Kariuki

Obama, nuclear weapons and the race factor — Given the history of nuclear weapons relative to the non-white world, and noting the ongoing ‘loose talk about nukes’ in the US regarding Iran, it is fitting that Barack Obama should aspire to eliminate all nuclear weapons, American and otherwise. Perhaps, he owes it most to his ancestral Diaspora.

In early August 1945, the US dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Japan. The indiscriminate damage of life and property was immeasurable. It was a massive collective punishment, a classic case of the power of modern civilisation without its mercy.

Ever since, the world has been haunted by two questions. Was the use of nuclear devices necessary? Would the US have used nuclear weapons against white Germany? Critics remain deeply divided.

President Harry Truman’s sympathisers however, support his logic that the bombs were vital to shortening the war in the Pacific and saving American lives.

Doubters insist that by mid-1945, Japan was virtually a crippled enemy. Nazi Germany had already surrendered in May 1945.

Combined bombardment

How much longer could Japan have endured under the combined ‘conventional’ bombardment of the Allies and, possibly, Russia?

In short, the American use of atomic weapons was unnecessary, prompted and made easier by the fact that the victims were non-white. Indeed innuendoes abound that America used the Japanese as guinea pigs to demonstrate the ravaging power of its new, barbarous weapon.

Twenty years later, the same US was bogged down in the protracted Vietnam War, and language of nuclear weapons resurfaced in American politics. The 1964 Republican presidential contender, Barry Goldwater, openly recommended using low-yield nuclear weapons for defoliation of Vietnamese woodlands.

Goldwater’s ‘nuclear reckless talk’ ultimately cost him the presidency. But in the hunt for it, he had arrogated to himself the right to entertain nuclear language that could have resulted in annihilation of a Southeast Asian nation.

Again, the collective victims would have been non-whites — men, women and children alike.

Castro’s autobiography

In a 2007 autobiography, Fidel Castro: My Life, the Cuban icon narrates the story that for Angola’s freedom, Cuban and Angolan troops fought against an apartheid army and government that had eight Hiroshima/Nagasaki-size atomic bombs secretly “provided by the US through … Israel.” Were those weapons developed during the South African-Israeli nuclear collaboration or were they US-made? In either case, the targets were black people.

As SA approached freedom, the West became increasingly nervous over the prospects of blacks inheriting a nuclear state.

Accordingly, Nelson Mandela and his associates were vigorously coaxed into dismantling the bombs and signing the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Racist SA could be nuclear; democratic one could not.

Given the history of nuclear weapons relative to the non-white world, and noting the ongoing ‘loose talk about nukes’ in the US regarding Iran, it is fitting that Barack Obama should aspire to eliminate all nuclear weapons, American and otherwise. Perhaps, he owes it most to his ancestral Diaspora.

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By James N Kariuki

The world is increasingly divided into great beneficiaries and great casualties. The worst casualties of the divide are Africans and Black people worldwide.

To address these gross inequalities between the global North and the South, prolific Prof. Ali Mazrui has consistently advocated that the African Diaspora should include the strategy of counter-penetration.

The West through colonialism or other forms of domination once exploited black folks. It is now time for them to turn the tables and occupy positions of influence within the West itself.

The Mazruis, Chinua Achebes, Ngugi wa Thiongos, and Wole Soyinkas are classic illustrations of this strategy at work. As prominent educators in US universities, they have access to thousands of American students, a golden opportunity to sensitise America’s upcoming decision-makers to the realities and aspirations of Africa. Post-colonial Diasporans are vital to this specific assignment.

Equally critical is the role earmarked for the Diaspora of enslavement: descendants of those Africans who were transplanted to the West against their will into slavery. They are now part of Global Africa lodged in the privileged West.

Counter-penetration perspective attaches much credence to the idea of the African-American Dr. Jendayi Frazer making an on-site visitation to last year’s election related violence in Kenya and reporting her findings to her Black boss, Dr. Condoleezza Rice. After all, Frazer studied in Kenya; her doctoral dissertation was on Kenya. To her, Kenya has a human face.

In this logic, it is progressive that a Black person like Colin Powell reaches the pinnacle of American military hierarchy and then becomes the Secretary of State. Similarly, it is advancement that African-American Rice, her ideology notwithstanding, follows suit and becomes the US Secretary of State. Granted, she is not a flag-waving black activist, but her skin is black. At some point one black concern or another will touch her. How realistic is this perception?

Ten days ago, Rice, urged the US Senate to pass a law to remove the African National Congress (ANC) categorisation as a terrorist organisation from the US database. This dubious distinction was originally attained because of ANC’s activities in the struggle against apartheid. As a result of this stigma, individuals associated with the ANC still cannot obtain visas to enter the US without a special waiver by the US Secretary of State. In most cases, the mere requirement amounts to visa denial.

Rice told the Senate hearing that she found it awkward to have to personally waive visa restrictions for her South African counterpart. Additionally, it was downright embarrassing to do the same for the dignified world’s icon of peace, Nelson Mandela.

A liberal lawmaker, representative Howard Berman of California, sponsors the legislation under Senate review. His language is even more incisive. “It is shameful that the US still treats the ANC this way, based solely on its designation as a terrorist organisation by the old apartheid South African regime.”

Regarding Mandela requiring a special waiver for a US visa, his words were, “What an indignity. This legislation will wipe it all away.”

Lest we forget, this is not the first time that African Diasporans have waged a fight for South Africa within the American political system. One of the major landmarks in the demise of apartheid was the passing of the 1986 Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act. The legislation was formulated and sustained by the US Congressional Black Caucus. Notably, the passage was an override to President Ronald Regan’s veto.

This month marks the 40th anniversary of Martin Luther King’s death. One of the most memorable acts in his life was to declare publicly his opposition to American war in Vietnam.

When asked why he risked alienating the US President Lyndon B Johnson by that action, he responded that, to him, justice was indivisible, “injustice anywhere is injustice everywhere.”

He could not oppose racial injustice in America and turn a blind eye to injustice in Southeast Asia.

Before King, Black Americans in the American South could not vote, much less become legislators . In forty years, African-Americans have occupied virtually every position. Today, even the US presidency is up for grabs by an African-American. We have come a long way since Reverend Martin Luther King.

About The Author: James N. Kariuki - is head of the African Diaspora Unit at the Africa Institute of South Africa in Pretoria.

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