Introduction 導言

The struggle against oppression was the central thesis of Frantz Fanon’s revolutionary philosophy. And colonialism was the target of this fury. 鬥爭的壓迫中央的論斷frantz法農的革命哲學。和殖民主義的目標，這暴跳如雷。 Fanon condemned colonialism in the most bitter terms and advocated violence in its most extreme form to confront this plague.法農譴責殖民主義的最慘痛的條款，並主張暴力在其最極端的形式，以面對這個瘟疫。 In his words, “colonialism is not a thinking machine nor a body endowed with reasoning faculties.用他的話說， “殖民主義是不是一個思想的機器，也沒有一個機構，賦予推理學院。 It is violence in its most natural state … and will only yield when confronted with greater violence.”這是暴力行為在其最自然狀態下， … …只會產量時，面臨著更大的暴力“ 。

Frantz Fanon frantz法農
This revolutionary outlook is reflected in many of Fanon’s works, among which include: Black Skin White Masks, A Dying Colonialism, Toward the African Revolution and The Wretched of the Earth.這個革命性的前景是反映在許多法農的作品，其中包括：黑皮膚白口罩，一個垂死的殖民主義，對非洲的革命和倒霉的地球。 The latter book, acclaimed as Fanon’s most accomplished work, has been described as the “bible of decolonization” because of its radical impact on, and eventual success of the anti-colonial struggle.後者本書，被譽為法農的最有成就的工作，已被描述為“聖經的非殖民化” ，因為其激進的影響，並最終取得成功的反殖民鬥爭。

Half a century after Fanon’s death, his thesis of violence still remains an object of heated debate.半世紀後，法儂的死亡，他的論文的暴力行為仍然是一個對象的激烈辯論。 This controversy is increasingly fanned by the undying contradictions within postcolonial Africa.這個爭議的問題是越來越多的動盪由undying內部矛盾的後殖民非洲。 Dr. Homi K. Bhabha questioned the relevance of Fanon’s radicalism in contemporary Africa.博士homi k.巴巴的相關性提出疑問法農的激進主義在當代非洲。 “Is The Wretched of the Earth now only a historical and scholarly artifact?” he asked. “是的，倒霉的地球現在只是一個歷史和學術偽？ ”他問。 Continued he, “In the era of globalization is it a relic of naturalistic struggle?繼續他， “在全球化的時代，是它的遺跡，自然的鬥爭？ Or do Fanon’s insights transcend the particulars of his time?或做法農的見解，超越詳情，他的時間呢？ Might they help us make sense of today’s political and economic tensions?” Dr. Bhabha’s doubts suggest both the climate of tension and uncertainty in Africa on the one hand, and the almost-futile search for solutions to the innumerable problems infecting the continent.可能他們幫助我們做出的責任感，今天的政治和經濟的緊張關係“ ？博士巴巴的疑慮，建議雙方的緊張氣氛和不確定性，在非洲的一方面，和幾乎是徒勞的尋求解決問題的無數感染非洲大陸。 All of these calamities always boil down to conflicts of one form or another.所有這些災難總是歸結為衝突的一種或另一種形式。 Where is Fanon’s place in this violence-plagued continent?那裡是法農的地方，在這種暴力困擾的大陸呢？

Judged against the background of current upheavals in Africa, one requires a deeper reading and then a second interpretation of Fanon.判斷背景下對目前的動亂是在非洲， 1 ，需要更深入的讀，然後第二次的解釋，法儂。 These twin tasks can only make sense when we strive to understand the climate of Fanon’s time and compare it with that of today.這兩個任務，只能使意識，當我們努力了解的氣氛，法儂的時間和比較，它與今天。 Given that Africa alone currently accounts for more than 35% of the world’s conflicts, Fanon still has many questions to answer.鑑於目前僅在非洲佔了35 ％以上的世界衝突，法儂仍然有許多問題要回答。 Firstly, did Fanon in the middle of his rage ever prescribe an end to violence in Africa in the foreseeable future?首先，沒有法儂在中東，他憤怒以往任何時候都明結束暴力，在非洲在可預見的將來呢？ Secondly, what is the difference between the unabated spiral of violence in Africa and the colonial-type violence?其次，之間的區別是什麼有增無減的暴力循環和在非洲的殖民地式的暴力行為呢？ Put in other words, is violence in contemporary Africa a mark of change or is it of continuity?提出在其他換句話說，是暴力在當代非洲的標誌，改變抑或是它的連續性？ Thirdly, is half a century not time enough for Africa to reconsider its reverence for violence?第三，是半世紀以來沒有足夠的時間對非洲重新考慮其崇敬的暴力行為呢？ And consequent upon these questions, is the struggle lost for Africa?和後，這些問題，是鬥爭，失去了對非洲？

Violence in Africa, a colonial heritage 暴力在非洲，一個殖民地的遺產

Colonialism was without doubt a turning point in Africa’s history and destiny.殖民主義是毫無疑問的一個轉折點是在非洲的歷史和命運。 It accelerated the pace of devastation initiated by the obnoxious slave trade.它加快了破壞發起，由厭惡性奴隸貿易。 In Walter Rodney’s words, colonialism completely destroyed what remained of the political, economic and socio-cultural achievements of Africa and left in its place “nothing of compensatory value.” This colonial havoc was the springboard of Fanon’s philosophy of violence.在沃爾特羅德尼的話，殖民主義完全摧毀，剩下的政治，經濟和社會文化的成就，非洲和遺留在其位“沒有補償的價值。 ”這個殖民地的破壞是跳板的法農的哲學的暴力行為。 Its test ground was Algeria where Fanon saw for himself what he later called “the psychiatric disorders of colonialism.” Angered by this bestiality of colonialism, Fanon concluded that the Algerian revolution had created “an irreversible situation” for the entire African continent.其地面試驗是阿爾及利亞那裡法儂親眼所見，他後來所謂的“精神失常的殖民主義” 。激怒這bestiality殖民主義，法農的結論是，阿爾及利亞革命，創造了“一個不可逆轉的形勢”為整個非洲大陸。

Fanon was not alone in preaching violence as the only way out of colonialism and neocolonialism.法農是並不孤單，在鼓吹暴力作為唯一的出路，殖民主義和新殖民主義。 Che Guevara in 1964, also made it unequivocally clear that “ to solve the problems now besetting mankind, there is need to eliminate completely the exploitation of the dependent countries by the developed capitalist countries. ” And he spelt it out clearly “with all the consequences that this implies.” This loud call to arms explains the triumph of violence throughout Africa in the 1960s, 70s and 80s.切格瓦拉在1964年，也發了言，它毫不含糊地明確指出， “ 解決問題，現在困擾著人類，有必要完全消除剝削供養的國家由發達資本主義國家 ” ，他寫出來，明確“一切後果這意味著， “這響亮的呼籲武器解釋勝利的暴力行為在整個非洲在六十年代，七十年代和八十年代。 The eventual success of liberation forces in Africa lent credit to Fanon’s dictum that “only violence pay.” Even the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the continental body formed in 1963 to free the continent from colonial rule recognized the need for violence by establishing a Liberation Committee.最終取得成功解放力量在非洲借給信貸法農的格言： “只有暴力的薪酬。 ” ，甚至非洲統一組織（非統組織） ，大陸機構，成立於1963年免費大陸從殖民統治下承認有必要的暴力行為通過建立一個解放委員會。 Its task was to use every means possible, including violence to end colonial rule.其任務是利用一切可能的手段，包括暴力，結束殖民統治。 And this it did.這這樣做。

In calling on the African masses to resort to violence against colonialism, Fanon did not have to search too far for reasons to convince his audience.在呼籲對非洲人民群眾的訴諸暴力反抗殖民主義，法儂沒有搜索太遠為理由來說服他的聽眾。 He pointed to the exploitative relationship that existed between the settlers and the Africans.他指出，剝削的關係之間存在的定居者和非洲人。 The settlers used every means possible to secure their economic interests, including extreme brutality which Fanon describes as “bayonets and caning.” Violence and cruelty were therefore major features of colonialism.定居者用千方百計，以保障他們的經濟利益，包括極端的暴行，其中法儂形容為“刺刀和笞刑。 ”暴力和殘忍，因此主要特徵的殖民主義。 Fanon therefore pressed on the need to counter this violence “with greater violence.” Even at the cost of 45.000 lives in Setif, 90.000 in Madagascar, 2000 in Kenya and 250000 in German Tanganyika, Fanon urged Africans to answer violence with violence.法農的壓力，因此就需要對付這種暴力“與更大的暴力” 。甚至不惜45.000生活在塞提夫， 90.000在馬達加斯加， 2000年在肯尼亞和25.0萬在德國坦噶尼喀湖，法農呼籲非洲人以暴易暴。 This was only part of the price Africans had to pay for carrying the “Whiteman’s burden,” the imposed weight of colonialism.這只是部分的價格非洲人要付出進行“懷特曼的負擔， ”所施加的重量的殖民主義。

Like Rodney, Fanon blames the diametrical relationship existing between Africa and Europe entirely on colonialism.像羅德尼，法農歸咎於徑向關係之間存在的非洲和歐洲的完全對殖民主義。 Says Fanon, “ the well-being and progress of Europe have been built on the sweat and dead bodies of negroes…. ” And Fanon did not mince words when he made a strong claim that “ Europe is Africa’s creation. ” To Fanon therefore, the colonized man only “finds freedom in and through violence.” In the course of this struggle, Fanon warns that the native should be prepared to “…sacrifice everything and water their native soil with their blood.” He further cautioned seriously that as a strategy in this struggle, the native can accept a “compromise with colonialism, but never a surrender of principle.”法農說， “ 福祉和進步的歐洲已建立在汗水和屍體的黑人… … ”和法儂沒有直言不諱地時，他作出了強烈聲稱， “ 歐洲是非洲的創造 ”以法農因此，殖民地人民的男子只有“認定的自由，和通過暴力”在這個過程中這場鬥爭中，法農警告說，本土應該準備“ … …犧牲一切和水他們的鄉土與他們的血液。 ”他進一步警告說，嚴重作為一項戰略，在這場鬥爭中，本土可以接受的“妥協與殖民主義，但從來沒有放棄原則”的共識。

Another damaging aspect of colonialism which Fanon vociferously decried was the physical and spiritual partition of Africa. It was under colonial rule that Africa was split into several halves for European domination. Colonialism seized African land and minerals for European economic enterprise.另一種損害方面的殖民主義法農vociferously詆毀是身體和精神分割非洲， 這是在殖民統治下，非洲是分成幾部分，為歐洲的統治。殖民主義檢獲非洲土地和礦產為歐洲經濟企業。 It was under colonial rule that Africans were graded, degraded and finally classified into natives and assimiles.這是在殖民統治下，非洲人的等級，退化，最後分為本土和assimiles 。 Colonialism obliged Africans to carry identification badges on their own soil.殖民主義的責任非洲人進行鑑定，肩章為在本國領土上。 On a more dramatic scale, colonialism dissected Africa along the Sahara and prided the northern part of the continent with civilization because it bordered Europe, the land of achievement and wonder.一個更戲劇性的規模，殖民主義的解剖，沿非洲撒哈拉和引以為傲北部的一部分，大陸與文明，因為它毗鄰歐洲，土地的成就和懷疑。 The Southern part of the continent was termed “barbaric” and “uncivilized.” This “primitive” part needed the civilization missions from Europe, hence the justification for European “paternalism” in Africa.南部的一部分，大陸被稱為“野蠻”和“不文明” ，這“原始”的一部分，需要文明的任務，來自歐洲，因此歐洲的理由“家長式”在非洲。

This deliberate attempt at tearing Africa apart was the handiwork of colonialism and a forerunner of (and compliment to) the “divide and rule” policy that marked colonial rule.這種蓄意企圖撕毀非洲除了是手工殖民主義和先行者（和補充） “分而治之”政策，這標誌著殖民統治。 Added to this puncture on Africa, was the tendency to implant and enforce the notion of racism and ethnicity which have today set Africa ablaze.加入此穿刺對非洲，是傾向植入和執行的概念，種族主義和族裔，其中有今日成立非洲點火焚燒。 Observes Fanon, “Colonialism does not simply state the existence of tribes, it also reinforces it and separates them … colonialism is separatist and regionalist.” As a result, continues Fanon, this “legalized racism … maintained in the very depth of the consciousness (of the African people) can only be combated by force.” Fanon’s anger at colonialism is reflected by the dose of fury with which this plague had to be confronted.法農指出， “殖民主義不只是國家的存在，部落，它也加強了它和他們分開…殖民主義是分裂和regionalist 。 ： ”作為一個結果，繼續在法農，這個“合法化，種族主義…保持在非常深度的意識（對非洲人民的） ，只能用武力打擊“法農的憤怒在殖民主義是反映劑量的憤怒，與這鼠疫不得不面對。 “No diplomacy, no political genius, no skill can cope with it except force,” he stressed. “無外交，沒有政治天才，沒有技能，能應付它除武力” ，他強調。

Violence in the postcolonial context 暴力，在後殖民語境

Did the coming of independence halt the specter of violence in Africa?沒有未來的獨立，制止暴力的幽靈在非洲？ Or put in other words, has independence met the expectations of Africans who fought for and eagerly awaited this “wind of Change?” The answer to this question is found on the faces of millions of African children who are either born with disease, or turned refugees or orphans at infancy.或把在其他換言之，已會見了獨立的期望，非洲人誰爭取和熱切等待這“變革之風” ？這個問題的答案是對發現的臉上以百萬計的非洲兒童誰是天生的疾病，或拒絕難民或孤兒在萌芽狀態。 It is found on the faces of African youths with bleeding feet on the sands of the Sahara as they make their way to Europe where persecution, prejudice and deportation await them.這是發現於非洲所面臨的青少年出血英尺對金沙的撒哈拉，因為他們使他們的方式到歐洲何處迫害，偏見和遞解出境，等待他們。 The answer is found on the faces of millions of Africans caught in the crossfire of civil wars and armed conflicts, genocide and state brutality.答案是上發現的臉上數百萬非洲人被夾在交叉的內戰和武裝衝突，種族滅絕和國家的暴行。 Who else can tell the true meaning of independence than those Africans caught in the claws of AIDS, malaria, hunger, mismanagement and corruption?還有誰可以告訴的真正含義，獨立，比那些非洲人被夾在爪的艾滋病，瘧疾，飢餓，管理不善和腐敗？ What should the peasants of Africa say of independence when they survive on what Fidel Castro calls “starvation salaries?”應該採取什麼農民說，非洲獨立時，他們的生存就什麼卡斯特羅稱為“飢餓的薪酬” ？

When Europe granted flag independence to Africa, the new breed of European spokesmen in the name of Presidents saw no need to severe the colonial bond.當歐洲授予旗獨立非洲，新品種在歐洲的代言人的名義總統認為沒有必要嚴重的殖民地債券。 Mr. leon M’ba of Gabon could claim with impunity that “Gabon is independent, but between Gabon and France nothing has changed.” His counterpart in the Ivory Coast, Houghouet Boigny had earlier opposed independence for Africa at the Bamako Conference insisting that “there is no national problem in Black Africa.” The successors of M’ba and Boigny are the current leaders of Africa.里昂先生m'ba ，加蓬可以聲稱與有罪不罰的“加蓬是獨立的，但之間的加蓬和法國沒有任何改變” ，他對應在象牙海岸， houghouet博瓦尼此前，反對獨立的非洲在巴馬科會議堅持“有沒有國家的問題，在黑非洲“ 。接班人m'ba和博瓦尼是目前非洲領導人。 This is the bunch Fanon calls “ the straw men and traveling salesmen of colonialism. ”這是一群法農稱之為“ 稻草男人和旅行推銷員的殖民主義 ” 。

In Fanon’s words, independence for Africa simply meant the replacing of one “species” of men with another “species” of men.在法農的話說，獨立為非洲只是意味著更換一個“物種”的男子與另一“物種”的男子。 This new species constitutes the core of the neocolonialist framework, the logical continuation and consequence of colonialism.這一新物種構成的核心部分， neocolonialist框架，合乎邏輯的延續和後果的殖民主義。 Here, Fanon singles out two groups of people who need an equal dose of violence.在這裡，法農單打兩個群體的人誰需要一個平等劑量的暴力行為。 These are the national bourgeoisie of the Third World and the lumpenproletariat.這是民族資產階級的第三次世界和流氓無產階級。 The former group Fanon says, balances its budget with loans and gifts.前組法農說，其結餘的預算案，貸款和禮物。 And together with the latter group, both simply serve the role which Fanon describes as “a transmission line between the nation and capitalism.”連同後一組，都只是服務的作用，其中法儂形容為“輸電線路之間的民族和資本主義” 。

To Fanon, there is a vivid contrast between the bourgeoisie of the metropole and that of the periphery.以法農，有一個生動的對比資產階級的都城，以及對周邊。 While the metropolitan bourgeoisie contributed enormously to the development of the colonial country, the bourgeoisie of the colonised country has always remained ignorant and underdeveloped.而大都會資產階級貢獻良多的發展，殖民地的國家，資產階級的殖民地的國家始終是愚昧和落後。 This group is more preoccupied with what in Fanon’s words are “activities of the intermediary type.” Its major concern is with “the ground nut harvest, with Cocoa Crop and olive yield.” This parasitic group remains contented with sending “out raw materials, being Europe’s small farmers who specialize in unfinished products.”這個小組是更專注於如何在法農的話是“活動的中介型” 。其主要關注的是“地面螺母收成，可可作物產量和橄欖樹” ，這寄生小組仍然知足與派遣“原料材料，被歐洲的小農誰，專門從事未完成的產品“ 。

Fanon has found many apologists in modern Africa. Walter Rodney vividly painted the picture of an African peasant entering colonialism “with a hoe” and leaving “with a hoe.” Five decades after Fanon’s pronouncements on Africa, his views on African agricultural backwardness were repeated by French President Nicholas Sarkozy on his visit to Senegal in 2008.法農已發現了許多辯護士在現代非洲。 沃爾特羅德尼生動地描繪了圖片一個非洲農民進入殖民主義“與鋤頭 ” ， 並留下“鋤頭”五十年後，法農的言論，對非洲，他的意見對非洲農業落後被重複的法國總統尼古拉薩爾科齊對他訪問塞內加爾在2008年。 The French President observed that African peasants were living according to the seasons and were therefore outside of history.法國總統希拉克指出，非洲農民們的生活，根據季節和，因此，外界的歷史。 In”the African imaginary world … there was no place for human adventure or the idea of progress,” he said.在“非洲假想的世界…不存在的地方，為人類探險或想法的進展， ”他說。 Sarkozy however admitted that “Europe had ruined a way of life during its colonization of the continent.” Does Sarkozy share Fanon’s advocacy for violence?薩爾科齊，但承認“歐洲已破壞了一種生活方式，在其殖民統治的非洲大陸。 ”薩爾科齊分享法農的倡導暴力？ It is difficult to tell because the Frenchman expressed sympathy for Africa when he wept “the suffering of the black man is the suffering of all men.”這是很難說，因為法國人表示同情，為非洲時，他哭“的痛苦，該黑人男子是痛苦的所有男性” 。

Insisting that the Third World bourgeoisie exists only in spirit, Fanon observes that this class invests its energy on a “neo-colonialist industrialization in which the country’s economy flounders.” This poorly informed and misdirected middle class instead of investing in the priorities of their people, instead take to leisure thus transforming Africa into what Fanon sees as “Europe’s brothel.” This class makes virtually “no change in marketing of basic products.”堅持認為，第三世界的資產階級只存在於精神，法農指出，這一類投資其能源對一個“新殖民主義的工業化在該國的經濟flounders ” ，這不善的通知和錯誤的中產階級，而不是投資於優先事項他們的人民，而不是採取康樂，從而轉化成非洲什麼法農認為，作為“歐洲的妓院” ，這幾乎使工人階級“沒有改變在市場營銷中的基本產品” 。

It was against this background of economic inefficiency, mismanagement and misdirected priorities that Fanon reminded the exploited army of peasants throughout Africa that “only violence pays.” His thesis of violence was recently invoked by Nelson Mandela, former South African President and icon of the anti-apartheid struggle.正是在這一背景下的經濟效率低下，管理不善和錯誤的優先次序法儂提醒剝削農民的軍隊在整個非洲， “只有暴力自付。 ”他的論文的暴力行為，最近援引南非前總統曼德拉，南非前總統和圖標的反種族隔離的鬥爭。 Angered by the level of decay in Zimbabwe, Mandela was among the few African leaders to invoke a “Fanonist” approach to the crisis in Zimbabwe by calling for an uprising against the leadership.憤怒的水平衰變在津巴布韋，曼德拉是其中的少數非洲國家領導人引用“ fanonist ”的做法，這一危機在津巴布韋，要求一對起義的領導。 “ Ordinary people should depose leaders who enrich themselves at the expense of their countrymen, ” Mandela said in 2000. “ 一般人應該廢除領導人誰充實自己，不惜犧牲自己的同胞 ， ”曼德拉說，在2000年。 Was Mandela Speaking for Fanon?是曼德拉來說，法儂？

One very strong case Fanon makes against the bourgeoisie of the Third World is the political weakness of this class.其中一個很強烈的案件法農，使反對資產階級的第三次世界是政治上的虛弱的這一類。 Its Leadership is marked by cruelty, greed and violence.其領導的標誌是殘酷，貪婪和暴力。 This “unmasked, unpainted and cynical” dictatorship is given a tribal connotation because it emerges from the dominant tribe. If Fanon were alive today, he would have been alarmed by the fact that there is not one country in Africa which has been spared the scourge of tribalism. This tribal dominance of power and resources is at the heart of the ceaseless conflicts in Africa.這個“揭露， unpainted和玩世不恭的”專政是一個部落的內涵，因為它的出現，從佔主導地位的部落， 如果法儂還活著，今天，他會一直感到震驚的事實是沒有一個非洲國家已不遺餘力的禍害的部落，這部落的主導權，權力和資源，核心是不斷的衝突是在非洲。 These conflicts take different forms; civil wars, inter-tribal wars, coups and state brutality.這些衝突採取不同的形式;內戰，跨部落的戰爭，政變和國家的暴行。 From the Congo and Nigeria in the 1960s, through Rwanda in the 1990s to present day Kenya, Chad and Sudan, cases abound.從剛果和尼日利亞在20世紀60年代，通過盧旺達在20世紀90年代到現今肯尼亞，乍得和蘇丹，案件比比皆是。 There is little indication that the wave of violence in Africa shows any signs of ebbing.有一點跡象表明，暴力浪潮在非洲表明，任何消退的跡象。 What then do we make of Fanon’s thesis of violence?那麼，我們作出的法農的論文的暴力行為呢？

In Fanon’s view, the diminished effect of independence (or its complete lack of meaning) owes largely to the complacency of the Third World bourgeoisie.在法農的意見，減少的影響，獨立（或其完全沒有意義）欠，主要是自滿的第三次世界資產階級。 This class rose to power in the name of a “narrow nationalism.” Unable to put into practice a government even with a “minimum humanist content,” this class took to rhetoric and propaganda.這一類上升到權力的名稱是“狹隘的民族主義。 ”無法付諸實踐，一個政府，甚至與“最低的人文內容， ”這個階級了言論和宣傳。 In Fanon’s words, they “bandy about in irresponsible fashion phrases that come straight out of European treaties on morals and political philosophy.” Alex Thomson in his book “An Introduction to African Politics” seems to agree with Fanon on the surge of personal philosophies by African leaders.在法農的話說，他們“邦蒂約在不負責任的時裝詞組來直出歐洲條約的道德和政治哲學” 。徐家湯姆遜在他的著作“介紹了非洲政治”的人似乎都同意與法農對風的個人哲學的非洲領導人。 Thomson cites Sengho’s negritude, Kaunda’s humanism, Nyerere’s Ujama and Mobutu’s Mobutuism.湯姆遜瀕危物種貿易公約sengho的negritude ，卡翁達的人文主義，尼雷爾的ujama和蒙博托的mobutuism 。

In recent years, this rhetorical campaign has grown even louder from the state to the continental level.近年來，這個修辭運動的成長，甚至呼聲，從國家到大陸的水平。 Libyan leader Muammar Gadhaffi takes centre stage as the protector of the oppressed and defender of African unity in modern times.利比亞領導人卡扎菲gadhaffi需要的中心舞台，作為保護者的受壓迫者和捍衛非洲統一在現代的時代。 Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe, the bete noire of the West comes in as champion of a “look east” policy for Africa.津巴布韋的穆加貝， bete黑角的西來在冠軍作為一個“面向東方”政策，為非洲。 South Africa’s Thabo Mbeki poses as the flag bearer of an “African renaissance.”南非的塔博姆貝基構成，作為旗手，一個“非洲復興” 。

When cut to size, do these philosophies offer any credible alternatives to the postcolonial frustrations in Africa? Does Mr Mbeki’s silent diplomacy towards Zimbabwe and the recent upsurge of Xenophobia in his country augur well for his “renaissance scheme?” Does Mr Mugabe’s absolutism give him any moral authority to tell Africa which direction to look when his own people have nowhere to turn and no one to look up to?當削減規模，做這些哲學提供任何可信的替代品後殖民的挫折是在非洲嗎？議員是否姆貝基總統的沉默外交對津巴布韋和最近的熱潮，仇外心理在他的國家的好兆頭，他“復興計劃 ” ？議員是否穆加貝' s絕對給他任何的道德權威，告訴非洲哪個方向看時，他自己的人無處可轉，沒有人看呢？ Does the alleged maltreatment of black Africans in Libya and the rest of North Africa speak well of President Gadhaffi’s position as the unifier of a divided continent?是否涉嫌虐待非洲黑人在利比亞和其他北非的發言，以及總統的gadhaffi的立場，作為統一的一個四分五裂的大陸呢？ Are these leaders still “the transmission line between the nation and Neo-colonialism?”這些領導人仍然是“傳輸線之間的民族和新殖民主義” ？

When one situates Fanon within the context of ceaseless uncertainties in contemporary Africa, one easily identifies the root causes of violence.當一個人situates法儂內部的背景下不懈的不明朗因素，在當代非洲，一個很容易識別，並對暴力的根源。 This remains the only weapon in the hands of the suppressed and exploited masses.這仍然是唯一的武器在手中的抑制和剝削的人民群眾。 To these “wretched of the earth” as Fanon would call them, “national consciousness is nothing but a crude empty shell…the cracks in it explain how easy it is for young independent countries to switch from nation to ethnic group and from state to tribe which is terribly detrimental to the development of the nation and national unity.”這些“倒霉的地球”作為法農會稱他們為“民族意識只不過是原油空殼…裂縫在解釋它是如何的方便為青少年的獨立國家轉由民族和種族群體，從國家到部落這是可怕的，不利於國家的發展和民族團結“ 。

Fanon was very prophetic in foreshadowing what Dr. Bhabha later termed “ethno-nationalistic switchbacks” of our time.法農是非常的預言在預示什麼博士巴巴後來被稱為“民族的民族主義switchbacks ”我們的時間。 In post independent Africa, such switchbacks in the form of violent conflicts are quite visible.在獨立後的非洲，例如switchbacks在形式的暴力衝突是相當明顯。 The entire continent is ablaze with conflicts of one kind or another all of which trace their origins to bad leadership, neo-colonial intrusion and lack of vision for the continent.整個非洲大陸是燈火輝煌，衝突的這種或那種所有這些痕量它們的起源壞的領導下，新殖民主義的入侵和缺乏遠見，為非洲大陸。 While serving with the Press Services of the National Liberation Front (FLN) in Algeria, Fanon seized this opportunity to amplify one of his first themes, “the unity of Africa.” What have African leaders made of this call?而服務與媒體服務的民族解放陣線（ fln ）在阿爾及利亞，法農檢獲這個機會，建立健全之一，他的第一主題， “團結的非洲”是什麼，非洲領導人作出這一呼籲？ Fanon himself saw these compradorbourgeois as obstacles to African unity.法農本人看到這些compradorbourgeois的障礙，非洲統一。 As solution, he stressed the need to “turn the revolution inwards” against these agents of African underdevelopment.作為解決辦法，他強調，要“把革命向內” ，對這些代理商的非洲不發達。

From Fanon’s time till present, violence in Africa has taken many forms. 從法農的時間，直至目前，在非洲的暴力行為採取了許多形式。 State brutality against the people has provoked equally hostile responses from the people against the state as seen in Sudan. Tribes have stood against tribes, leading to unforgettable genocides as seen in Rwanda. 國家的殘酷打擊，人民的挑釁，同樣敵對的反應，從人民群眾對國家看在蘇丹。部落站在對部落，導致難忘的種族滅絕看在盧旺達。 Coups and counter coups, border conflicts, religious conflagrations, secessionist attempts and the struggle among people and nations for access to resources such as land and water are among the several causes of this chaos.政變與反政變，邊界衝突，宗教的衝突，分裂國家的圖謀和鬥爭，其中國家和人民為獲得資源，如土地和水是其中的幾個原因，這混亂。 None however, is as evident as bad leadership, greed, graft and corruption, which remain the worst forms of violence against Africans by Africans.無不過，是作為明顯壞的領導下，貪婪，貪污腐敗，這仍然是最惡劣形式的暴力侵害非洲人由非洲人。

It was in Fanon’s own Algeria (where he gave his life in the fight against oppression), that the army showered bullets on defenceless youths in 1988.這是在法農自己的阿爾及利亞（如他獻出了自己的生命，在打擊壓迫） ，即軍隊showered子彈，對手無寸鐵的青年在1988年。 This act of carnage forced Fanon’s widow, Josie, to cry from her sickened heart “Oh Frantz, the wretched of the Earth again.” If Fanon were alive today, he would have reiterated the need for such gruesome acts to “be beaten down by force.”這項法案的大屠殺，強迫法儂的遺孀， josie ，哭了，從她生病的心臟“哦frantz ，倒霉的地球再次”如果法儂還活著，今天，他將重申有必要為這種令人髮指的行為“被毆打下跌武力“ 。

Conclusion 結論

Fanon died in 1961 at the age of 36 with the language of violence still fresh in his mouth. He was very unrepentant in his claim that “colonialism only loosens its hold when the knife is at its throat.” He would have repeated these same words in the present context of neo-colonial oppression with the conspiracy of Africa’s new “species” of men in the name of leaders. 法農死亡，在1961年在36歲與語言暴力的猶在耳，他的嘴巴，他非常死不悔改，在他聲稱： “殖民主義只有放鬆其持有時，把刀是在其咽喉” 。他將這些重複同樣的話在目前的新殖民壓迫與陰謀，非洲的新“物種”的男子在名稱的領導人。

Since Fanon’s death in the age of “the wind of change,” millions of Africans are yet to know the meaning of change.自法儂的死在時代的“變革之風” ，數百萬非洲人尚未知道的意思改變。 The challenges still remain for millions more who go night and day without food, clothing in a supposedly scientific, technological and space age.面臨的挑戰仍然是數百萬更多的誰去晚天沒有食物，衣服，在一個假定的科學，技術和空間時代。 Adding his voice to Fanon’s call for violence against oppression, Rodney not only identifies the presence of “African accomplices in the imperialist system,” but challenges the oppressed masses to take up the responsibility to understand the system and work for its overthrow.加入他的聲音，以法農的要求，暴力侵害的壓迫，羅德尼不僅確定了存在的“非洲的幫兇，在帝國主義制度” ，但面臨的挑戰被壓迫人民群眾負起責任，了解體制和工作供其推翻。 There are two lessons to be drawn from this line of thinking.有兩個吸取的教訓從這個思路。 The first is that violence in Africa is intricately linked with the nature of leadership and governance.第一是暴力在非洲是錯綜複雜的聯繫與性質的領導水平和執政水平。 Secondly, and consequent upon the first implication, Africa still has many conflicts on its way if the current system remains unchanged.第二，根據第一的含義，非洲仍然有許多的衝突，其方式，如果現行制度不變。 The AU and NEPAD do not have to search too far for causes of instability in Africa.非洲聯盟和非洲發展新夥伴關係沒有搜索太遠，為不穩定的原因是在非洲。

They rather have to search far for solutions beginning with “in-house” cleaning. 他們，而不是要搜索遠遠的解決辦法，開始與“內部”清洗。

Popularity: 7% [人氣： 7 ％ [ ? ？ ] ]