Introduction 导言
The struggle against oppression was the central thesis of Frantz Fanon’s revolutionary philosophy. And colonialism was the target of this fury. 斗争的压迫中央的论断frantz法农的革命哲学。和殖民主义的目标，这暴跳如雷。 Fanon condemned colonialism in the most bitter terms and advocated violence in its most extreme form to confront this plague.法农谴责殖民主义的最惨痛的条款，并主张暴力在其最极端的形式，以面对这个瘟疫。 In his words, “colonialism is not a thinking machine nor a body endowed with reasoning faculties.用他的话说， “殖民主义是不是一个思想的机器，也没有一个机构，赋予推理学院。 It is violence in its most natural state … and will only yield when confronted with greater violence.”这是暴力行为在其最自然状态下， … …只会产量时，面临着更大的暴力“ 。
Frantz Fanon frantz法农 
This revolutionary outlook is reflected in many of Fanon’s works, among which include: Black Skin White Masks, A Dying Colonialism, Toward the African Revolution and The Wretched of the Earth.这个革命性的前景是反映在许多法农的作品，其中包括：黑皮肤白口罩，一个垂死的殖民主义，对非洲的革命和倒霉的地球。 The latter book, acclaimed as Fanon’s most accomplished work, has been described as the “bible of decolonization” because of its radical impact on, and eventual success of the anti-colonial struggle.后者本书，被誉为法农的最有成就的工作，已被描述为“圣经的非殖民化” ，因为其激进的影响，并最终取得成功的反殖民斗争。
Half a century after Fanon’s death, his thesis of violence still remains an object of heated debate.半世纪后，法侬的死亡，他的论文的暴力行为仍然是一个对象的激烈辩论。 This controversy is increasingly fanned by the undying contradictions within postcolonial Africa.这个争议的问题是越来越多的动荡由undying内部矛盾的后殖民非洲。 Dr. Homi K. Bhabha questioned the relevance of Fanon’s radicalism in contemporary Africa.博士homi k.巴巴的相关性提出疑问法农的激进主义在当代非洲。 “Is The Wretched of the Earth now only a historical and scholarly artifact?” he asked. “是的，倒霉的地球现在只是一个历史和学术伪？ ”他问。 Continued he, “In the era of globalization is it a relic of naturalistic struggle?继续他， “在全球化的时代，是它的遗迹，自然的斗争？ Or do Fanon’s insights transcend the particulars of his time?或做法农的见解，超越详情，他的时间呢？ Might they help us make sense of today’s political and economic tensions?” Dr. Bhabha’s doubts suggest both the climate of tension and uncertainty in Africa on the one hand, and the almost-futile search for solutions to the innumerable problems infecting the continent.可能他们帮助我们做出的责任感，今天的政治和经济的紧张关系“ ？博士巴巴的疑虑，建议双方的紧张气氛和不确定性，在非洲的一方面，和几乎是徒劳的寻求解决问题的无数感染非洲大陆。 All of these calamities always boil down to conflicts of one form or another.所有这些灾难总是归结为冲突的一种或另一种形式。 Where is Fanon’s place in this violence-plagued continent?那里是法农的地方，在这种暴力困扰的大陆呢？
Judged against the background of current upheavals in Africa, one requires a deeper reading and then a second interpretation of Fanon.判断背景下对目前的动乱是在非洲， 1 ，需要更深入的读，然后第二次的解释，法侬。 These twin tasks can only make sense when we strive to understand the climate of Fanon’s time and compare it with that of today.这两个任务，只能使意识，当我们努力了解的气氛，法侬的时间和比较，它与今天。 Given that Africa alone currently accounts for more than 35% of the world’s conflicts, Fanon still has many questions to answer.鉴于目前仅在非洲占了35 ％以上的世界冲突，法侬仍然有许多问题要回答。 Firstly, did Fanon in the middle of his rage ever prescribe an end to violence in Africa in the foreseeable future?首先，没有法侬在中东，他愤怒以往任何时候都明结束暴力，在非洲在可预见的将来呢？ Secondly, what is the difference between the unabated spiral of violence in Africa and the colonial-type violence?其次，之间的区别是什么有增无减的暴力循环和在非洲的殖民地式的暴力行为呢？ Put in other words, is violence in contemporary Africa a mark of change or is it of continuity?提出在其他换句话说，是暴力在当代非洲的标志，改变抑或是它的连续性？ Thirdly, is half a century not time enough for Africa to reconsider its reverence for violence?第三，是半世纪以来没有足够的时间对非洲重新考虑其崇敬的暴力行为呢？ And consequent upon these questions, is the struggle lost for Africa?和后，这些问题，是斗争，失去了对非洲？
Violence in Africa, a colonial heritage 暴力在非洲，一个殖民地的遗产
Colonialism was without doubt a turning point in Africa’s history and destiny.殖民主义是毫无疑问的一个转折点是在非洲的历史和命运。 It accelerated the pace of devastation initiated by the obnoxious slave trade.它加快了破坏发起，由厌恶性奴隶贸易。 In Walter Rodney’s words, colonialism completely destroyed what remained of the political, economic and socio-cultural achievements of Africa and left in its place “nothing of compensatory value.” This colonial havoc was the springboard of Fanon’s philosophy of violence.在沃尔特罗德尼的话，殖民主义完全摧毁，剩下的政治，经济和社会文化的成就，非洲和遗留在其位“没有补偿的价值。 ”这个殖民地的破坏是跳板的法农的哲学的暴力行为。 Its test ground was Algeria where Fanon saw for himself what he later called “the psychiatric disorders of colonialism.” Angered by this bestiality of colonialism, Fanon concluded that the Algerian revolution had created “an irreversible situation” for the entire African continent.其地面试验是阿尔及利亚那里法侬亲眼所见，他后来所谓的“精神失常的殖民主义” 。激怒这bestiality殖民主义，法农的结论是，阿尔及利亚革命，创造了“一个不可逆转的形势”为整个非洲大陆。
Fanon was not alone in preaching violence as the only way out of colonialism and neocolonialism.法农是并不孤单，在鼓吹暴力作为唯一的出路，殖民主义和新殖民主义。 Che Guevara in 1964, also made it unequivocally clear that “ to solve the problems now besetting mankind, there is need to eliminate completely the exploitation of the dependent countries by the developed capitalist countries. ” And he spelt it out clearly “with all the consequences that this implies.” This loud call to arms explains the triumph of violence throughout Africa in the 1960s, 70s and 80s.切格瓦拉在1964年，也发了言，它毫不含糊地明确指出， “ 解决问题，现在困扰着人类，有必要完全消除剥削供养的国家由发达资本主义国家 ” ，他写出来，明确“一切后果这意味着， “这响亮的呼吁武器解释胜利的暴力行为在整个非洲在六十年代，七十年代和八十年代。 The eventual success of liberation forces in Africa lent credit to Fanon’s dictum that “only violence pay.” Even the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the continental body formed in 1963 to free the continent from colonial rule recognized the need for violence by establishing a Liberation Committee.最终取得成功解放力量在非洲借给信贷法农的格言： “只有暴力的薪酬。 ” ，甚至非洲统一组织（非统组织） ，大陆机构，成立于1963年免费大陆从殖民统治下承认有必要的暴力行为通过建立一个解放委员会。 Its task was to use every means possible, including violence to end colonial rule.其任务是利用一切可能的手段，包括暴力，结束殖民统治。 And this it did.这这样做。
In calling on the African masses to resort to violence against colonialism, Fanon did not have to search too far for reasons to convince his audience.在呼吁对非洲人民群众的诉诸暴力反抗殖民主义，法侬没有搜索太远为理由来说服他的听众。 He pointed to the exploitative relationship that existed between the settlers and the Africans.他指出，剥削的关系之间存在的定居者和非洲人。 The settlers used every means possible to secure their economic interests, including extreme brutality which Fanon describes as “bayonets and caning.” Violence and cruelty were therefore major features of colonialism.定居者用千方百计，以保障他们的经济利益，包括极端的暴行，其中法侬形容为“刺刀和笞刑。 ”暴力和残忍，因此主要特征的殖民主义。 Fanon therefore pressed on the need to counter this violence “with greater violence.” Even at the cost of 45.000 lives in Setif, 90.000 in Madagascar, 2000 in Kenya and 250000 in German Tanganyika, Fanon urged Africans to answer violence with violence.法农的压力，因此就需要对付这种暴力“与更大的暴力” 。甚至不惜45.000生活在塞提夫， 90.000在马达加斯加， 2000年在肯尼亚和25.0万在德国坦噶尼喀湖，法农呼吁非洲人以暴易暴。 This was only part of the price Africans had to pay for carrying the “Whiteman’s burden,” the imposed weight of colonialism.这只是部分的价格非洲人要付出进行“怀特曼的负担， ”所施加的重量的殖民主义。
Like Rodney, Fanon blames the diametrical relationship existing between Africa and Europe entirely on colonialism.像罗德尼，法农归咎于径向关系之间存在的非洲和欧洲的完全对殖民主义。 Says Fanon, “ the well-being and progress of Europe have been built on the sweat and dead bodies of negroes…. ” And Fanon did not mince words when he made a strong claim that “ Europe is Africa’s creation. ” To Fanon therefore, the colonized man only “finds freedom in and through violence.” In the course of this struggle, Fanon warns that the native should be prepared to “…sacrifice everything and water their native soil with their blood.” He further cautioned seriously that as a strategy in this struggle, the native can accept a “compromise with colonialism, but never a surrender of principle.”法农说， “ 福祉和进步的欧洲已建立在汗水和尸体的黑人… … ”和法侬没有直言不讳地时，他作出了强烈声称， “ 欧洲是非洲的创造 ”以法农因此，殖民地人民的男子只有“认定的自由，和通过暴力”在这个过程中这场斗争中，法农警告说，本土应该准备“ … …牺牲一切和水他们的乡土与他们的血液。 ”他进一步警告说，严重作为一项战略，在这场斗争中，本土可以接受的“妥协与殖民主义，但从来没有放弃原则”的共识。
Another damaging aspect of colonialism which Fanon vociferously decried was the physical and spiritual partition of Africa. It was under colonial rule that Africa was split into several halves for European domination. Colonialism seized African land and minerals for European economic enterprise.另一种损害方面的殖民主义法农vociferously诋毁是身体和精神分割非洲， 这是在殖民统治下，非洲是分成几部分，为欧洲的统治。殖民主义检获非洲土地和矿产为欧洲经济企业。 It was under colonial rule that Africans were graded, degraded and finally classified into natives and assimiles.这是在殖民统治下，非洲人的等级，退化，最后分为本土和assimiles 。 Colonialism obliged Africans to carry identification badges on their own soil.殖民主义的责任非洲人进行鉴定，肩章为在本国领土上。 On a more dramatic scale, colonialism dissected Africa along the Sahara and prided the northern part of the continent with civilization because it bordered Europe, the land of achievement and wonder.一个更戏剧性的规模，殖民主义的解剖，沿非洲撒哈拉和引以为傲北部的一部分，大陆与文明，因为它毗邻欧洲，土地的成就和怀疑。 The Southern part of the continent was termed “barbaric” and “uncivilized.” This “primitive” part needed the civilization missions from Europe, hence the justification for European “paternalism” in Africa.南部的一部分，大陆被称为“野蛮”和“不文明” ，这“原始”的一部分，需要文明的任务，来自欧洲，因此欧洲的理由“家长式”在非洲。
This deliberate attempt at tearing Africa apart was the handiwork of colonialism and a forerunner of (and compliment to) the “divide and rule” policy that marked colonial rule.这种蓄意企图撕毁非洲除了是手工殖民主义和先行者（和补充） “分而治之”政策，这标志着殖民统治。 Added to this puncture on Africa, was the tendency to implant and enforce the notion of racism and ethnicity which have today set Africa ablaze.加入此穿刺对非洲，是倾向植入和执行的概念，种族主义和族裔，其中有今日成立非洲点火焚烧。 Observes Fanon, “Colonialism does not simply state the existence of tribes, it also reinforces it and separates them … colonialism is separatist and regionalist.” As a result, continues Fanon, this “legalized racism … maintained in the very depth of the consciousness (of the African people) can only be combated by force.” Fanon’s anger at colonialism is reflected by the dose of fury with which this plague had to be confronted.法农指出， “殖民主义不只是国家的存在，部落，它也加强了它和他们分开…殖民主义是分裂和regionalist 。 ： ”作为一个结果，继续在法农，这个“合法化，种族主义…保持在非常深度的意识（对非洲人民的） ，只能用武力打击“法农的愤怒在殖民主义是反映剂量的愤怒，与这鼠疫不得不面对。 “No diplomacy, no political genius, no skill can cope with it except force,” he stressed. “无外交，没有政治天才，没有技能，能应付它除武力” ，他强调。
Violence in the postcolonial context 暴力，在后殖民语境
Did the coming of independence halt the specter of violence in Africa?没有未来的独立，制止暴力的幽灵在非洲？ Or put in other words, has independence met the expectations of Africans who fought for and eagerly awaited this “wind of Change?” The answer to this question is found on the faces of millions of African children who are either born with disease, or turned refugees or orphans at infancy.或把在其他换言之，已会见了独立的期望，非洲人谁争取和热切等待这“变革之风” ？这个问题的答案是对发现的脸上以百万计的非洲儿童谁是天生的疾病，或拒绝难民或孤儿在萌芽状态。 It is found on the faces of African youths with bleeding feet on the sands of the Sahara as they make their way to Europe where persecution, prejudice and deportation await them.这是发现于非洲所面临的青少年出血英尺对金沙的撒哈拉，因为他们使他们的方式到欧洲何处迫害，偏见和递解出境，等待他们。 The answer is found on the faces of millions of Africans caught in the crossfire of civil wars and armed conflicts, genocide and state brutality.答案是上发现的脸上数百万非洲人被夹在交叉的内战和武装冲突，种族灭绝和国家的暴行。 Who else can tell the true meaning of independence than those Africans caught in the claws of AIDS, malaria, hunger, mismanagement and corruption?还有谁可以告诉的真正含义，独立，比那些非洲人被夹在爪的艾滋病，疟疾，饥饿，管理不善和腐败？ What should the peasants of Africa say of independence when they survive on what Fidel Castro calls “starvation salaries?”应该采取什么农民说，非洲独立时，他们的生存就什么卡斯特罗称为“饥饿的薪酬” ？
When Europe granted flag independence to Africa, the new breed of European spokesmen in the name of Presidents saw no need to severe the colonial bond.当欧洲授予旗独立非洲，新品种在欧洲的代言人的名义总统认为没有必要严重的殖民地债券。 Mr. leon M’ba of Gabon could claim with impunity that “Gabon is independent, but between Gabon and France nothing has changed.” His counterpart in the Ivory Coast, Houghouet Boigny had earlier opposed independence for Africa at the Bamako Conference insisting that “there is no national problem in Black Africa.” The successors of M’ba and Boigny are the current leaders of Africa.里昂先生m'ba ，加蓬可以声称与有罪不罚的“加蓬是独立的，但之间的加蓬和法国没有任何改变” ，他对应在象牙海岸， houghouet博瓦尼此前，反对独立的非洲在巴马科会议坚持“有没有国家的问题，在黑非洲“ 。接班人m'ba和博瓦尼是目前非洲领导人。 This is the bunch Fanon calls “ the straw men and traveling salesmen of colonialism. ”这是一群法农称之为“ 稻草男人和旅行推销员的殖民主义 ” 。
In Fanon’s words, independence for Africa simply meant the replacing of one “species” of men with another “species” of men.在法农的话说，独立为非洲只是意味着更换一个“物种”的男子与另一“物种”的男子。 This new species constitutes the core of the neocolonialist framework, the logical continuation and consequence of colonialism.这一新物种构成的核心部分， neocolonialist框架，合乎逻辑的延续和后果的殖民主义。 Here, Fanon singles out two groups of people who need an equal dose of violence.在这里，法农单打两个群体的人谁需要一个平等剂量的暴力行为。 These are the national bourgeoisie of the Third World and the lumpenproletariat.这是民族资产阶级的第三次世界和流氓无产阶级。 The former group Fanon says, balances its budget with loans and gifts.前组法农说，其结余的预算案，贷款和礼物。 And together with the latter group, both simply serve the role which Fanon describes as “a transmission line between the nation and capitalism.”连同后一组，都只是服务的作用，其中法侬形容为“输电线路之间的民族和资本主义” 。
To Fanon, there is a vivid contrast between the bourgeoisie of the metropole and that of the periphery.以法农，有一个生动的对比资产阶级的都城，以及对周边。 While the metropolitan bourgeoisie contributed enormously to the development of the colonial country, the bourgeoisie of the colonised country has always remained ignorant and underdeveloped.而大都会资产阶级贡献良多的发展，殖民地的国家，资产阶级的殖民地的国家始终是愚昧和落后。 This group is more preoccupied with what in Fanon’s words are “activities of the intermediary type.” Its major concern is with “the ground nut harvest, with Cocoa Crop and olive yield.” This parasitic group remains contented with sending “out raw materials, being Europe’s small farmers who specialize in unfinished products.”这个小组是更专注于如何在法农的话是“活动的中介型” 。其主要关注的是“地面螺母收成，可可作物产量和橄榄树” ，这寄生小组仍然知足与派遣“原料材料，被欧洲的小农谁，专门从事未完成的产品“ 。
Fanon has found many apologists in modern Africa. Walter Rodney vividly painted the picture of an African peasant entering colonialism “with a hoe” and leaving “with a hoe.” Five decades after Fanon’s pronouncements on Africa, his views on African agricultural backwardness were repeated by French President Nicholas Sarkozy on his visit to Senegal in 2008.法农已发现了许多辩护士在现代非洲。 沃尔特罗德尼生动地描绘了图片一个非洲农民进入殖民主义“与锄头 ” ， 并留下“锄头”五十年后，法农的言论，对非洲，他的意见对非洲农业落后被重复的法国总统尼古拉萨尔科齐对他访问塞内加尔在2008年。 The French President observed that African peasants were living according to the seasons and were therefore outside of history.法国总统希拉克指出，非洲农民们的生活，根据季节和，因此，外界的历史。 In”the African imaginary world … there was no place for human adventure or the idea of progress,” he said.在“非洲假想的世界…不存在的地方，为人类探险或想法的进展， ”他说。 Sarkozy however admitted that “Europe had ruined a way of life during its colonization of the continent.” Does Sarkozy share Fanon’s advocacy for violence?萨尔科齐，但承认“欧洲已破坏了一种生活方式，在其殖民统治的非洲大陆。 ”萨尔科齐分享法农的倡导暴力？ It is difficult to tell because the Frenchman expressed sympathy for Africa when he wept “the suffering of the black man is the suffering of all men.”这是很难说，因为法国人表示同情，为非洲时，他哭“的痛苦，该黑人男子是痛苦的所有男性” 。
Insisting that the Third World bourgeoisie exists only in spirit, Fanon observes that this class invests its energy on a “neo-colonialist industrialization in which the country’s economy flounders.” This poorly informed and misdirected middle class instead of investing in the priorities of their people, instead take to leisure thus transforming Africa into what Fanon sees as “Europe’s brothel.” This class makes virtually “no change in marketing of basic products.”坚持认为，第三世界的资产阶级只存在于精神，法农指出，这一类投资其能源对一个“新殖民主义的工业化在该国的经济flounders ” ，这不善的通知和错误的中产阶级，而不是投资于优先事项他们的人民，而不是采取康乐，从而转化成非洲什么法农认为，作为“欧洲的妓院” ，这几乎使工人阶级“没有改变在市场营销中的基本产品” 。
It was against this background of economic inefficiency, mismanagement and misdirected priorities that Fanon reminded the exploited army of peasants throughout Africa that “only violence pays.” His thesis of violence was recently invoked by Nelson Mandela, former South African President and icon of the anti-apartheid struggle.正是在这一背景下的经济效率低下，管理不善和错误的优先次序法侬提醒剥削农民的军队在整个非洲， “只有暴力自付。 ”他的论文的暴力行为，最近援引南非前总统曼德拉，南非前总统和图标的反种族隔离的斗争。 Angered by the level of decay in Zimbabwe, Mandela was among the few African leaders to invoke a “Fanonist” approach to the crisis in Zimbabwe by calling for an uprising against the leadership.愤怒的水平衰变在津巴布韦，曼德拉是其中的少数非洲国家领导人引用“ fanonist ”的做法，这一危机在津巴布韦，要求一对起义的领导。 “ Ordinary people should depose leaders who enrich themselves at the expense of their countrymen, ” Mandela said in 2000. “ 一般人应该废除领导人谁充实自己，不惜牺牲自己的同胞 ， ”曼德拉说，在2000年。 Was Mandela Speaking for Fanon?是曼德拉来说，法侬？
One very strong case Fanon makes against the bourgeoisie of the Third World is the political weakness of this class.其中一个很强烈的案件法农，使反对资产阶级的第三次世界是政治上的虚弱的这一类。 Its Leadership is marked by cruelty, greed and violence.其领导的标志是残酷，贪婪和暴力。 This “unmasked, unpainted and cynical” dictatorship is given a tribal connotation because it emerges from the dominant tribe. If Fanon were alive today, he would have been alarmed by the fact that there is not one country in Africa which has been spared the scourge of tribalism. This tribal dominance of power and resources is at the heart of the ceaseless conflicts in Africa.这个“揭露， unpainted和玩世不恭的”专政是一个部落的内涵，因为它的出现，从占主导地位的部落， 如果法侬还活着，今天，他会一直感到震惊的事实是没有一个非洲国家已不遗余力的祸害的部落，这部落的主导权，权力和资源，核心是不断的冲突是在非洲。 These conflicts take different forms; civil wars, inter-tribal wars, coups and state brutality.这些冲突采取不同的形式;内战，跨部落的战争，政变和国家的暴行。 From the Congo and Nigeria in the 1960s, through Rwanda in the 1990s to present day Kenya, Chad and Sudan, cases abound.从刚果和尼日利亚在20世纪60年代，通过卢旺达在20世纪90年代到现今肯尼亚，乍得和苏丹，案件比比皆是。 There is little indication that the wave of violence in Africa shows any signs of ebbing.有一点迹象表明，暴力浪潮在非洲表明，任何消退的迹象。 What then do we make of Fanon’s thesis of violence?那么，我们作出的法农的论文的暴力行为呢？
In Fanon’s view, the diminished effect of independence (or its complete lack of meaning) owes largely to the complacency of the Third World bourgeoisie.在法农的意见，减少的影响，独立（或其完全没有意义）欠，主要是自满的第三次世界资产阶级。 This class rose to power in the name of a “narrow nationalism.” Unable to put into practice a government even with a “minimum humanist content,” this class took to rhetoric and propaganda.这一类上升到权力的名称是“狭隘的民族主义。 ”无法付诸实践，一个政府，甚至与“最低的人文内容， ”这个阶级了言论和宣传。 In Fanon’s words, they “bandy about in irresponsible fashion phrases that come straight out of European treaties on morals and political philosophy.” Alex Thomson in his book “An Introduction to African Politics” seems to agree with Fanon on the surge of personal philosophies by African leaders.在法农的话说，他们“邦蒂约在不负责任的时装词组来直出欧洲条约的道德和政治哲学” 。徐家汤姆逊在他的著作“介绍了非洲政治”的人似乎都同意与法农对风的个人哲学的非洲领导人。 Thomson cites Sengho’s negritude, Kaunda’s humanism, Nyerere’s Ujama and Mobutu’s Mobutuism.汤姆逊濒危物种贸易公约sengho的negritude ，卡翁达的人文主义，尼雷尔的ujama和蒙博托的mobutuism 。
In recent years, this rhetorical campaign has grown even louder from the state to the continental level.近年来，这个修辞运动的成长，甚至呼声，从国家到大陆的水平。 Libyan leader Muammar Gadhaffi takes centre stage as the protector of the oppressed and defender of African unity in modern times.利比亚领导人卡扎菲gadhaffi需要的中心舞台，作为保护者的受压迫者和捍卫非洲统一在现代的时代。 Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe, the bete noire of the West comes in as champion of a “look east” policy for Africa.津巴布韦的穆加贝， bete黑角的西来在冠军作为一个“面向东方”政策，为非洲。 South Africa’s Thabo Mbeki poses as the flag bearer of an “African renaissance.”南非的塔博姆贝基构成，作为旗手，一个“非洲复兴” 。
When cut to size, do these philosophies offer any credible alternatives to the postcolonial frustrations in Africa? Does Mr Mbeki’s silent diplomacy towards Zimbabwe and the recent upsurge of Xenophobia in his country augur well for his “renaissance scheme?” Does Mr Mugabe’s absolutism give him any moral authority to tell Africa which direction to look when his own people have nowhere to turn and no one to look up to?当削减规模，做这些哲学提供任何可信的替代品后殖民的挫折是在非洲吗？议员是否姆贝基总统的沉默外交对津巴布韦和最近的热潮，仇外心理在他的国家的好兆头，他“复兴计划 ” ？议员是否穆加贝' s绝对给他任何的道德权威，告诉非洲哪个方向看时，他自己的人无处可转，没有人看呢？ Does the alleged maltreatment of black Africans in Libya and the rest of North Africa speak well of President Gadhaffi’s position as the unifier of a divided continent?是否涉嫌虐待非洲黑人在利比亚和其他北非的发言，以及总统的gadhaffi的立场，作为统一的一个四分五裂的大陆呢？ Are these leaders still “the transmission line between the nation and Neo-colonialism?”这些领导人仍然是“传输线之间的民族和新殖民主义” ？
When one situates Fanon within the context of ceaseless uncertainties in contemporary Africa, one easily identifies the root causes of violence.当一个人situates法侬内部的背景下不懈的不明朗因素，在当代非洲，一个很容易识别，并对暴力的根源。 This remains the only weapon in the hands of the suppressed and exploited masses.这仍然是唯一的武器在手中的抑制和剥削的人民群众。 To these “wretched of the earth” as Fanon would call them, “national consciousness is nothing but a crude empty shell…the cracks in it explain how easy it is for young independent countries to switch from nation to ethnic group and from state to tribe which is terribly detrimental to the development of the nation and national unity.”这些“倒霉的地球”作为法农会称他们为“民族意识只不过是原油空壳…裂缝在解释它是如何的方便为青少年的独立国家转由民族和种族群体，从国家到部落这是可怕的，不利于国家的发展和民族团结“ 。
Fanon was very prophetic in foreshadowing what Dr. Bhabha later termed “ethno-nationalistic switchbacks” of our time.法农是非常的预言在预示什么博士巴巴后来被称为“民族的民族主义switchbacks ”我们的时间。 In post independent Africa, such switchbacks in the form of violent conflicts are quite visible.在独立后的非洲，例如switchbacks在形式的暴力冲突是相当明显。 The entire continent is ablaze with conflicts of one kind or another all of which trace their origins to bad leadership, neo-colonial intrusion and lack of vision for the continent.整个非洲大陆是灯火辉煌，冲突的这种或那种所有这些痕量它们的起源坏的领导下，新殖民主义的入侵和缺乏远见，为非洲大陆。 While serving with the Press Services of the National Liberation Front (FLN) in Algeria, Fanon seized this opportunity to amplify one of his first themes, “the unity of Africa.” What have African leaders made of this call?而服务与媒体服务的民族解放阵线（ fln ）在阿尔及利亚，法农检获这个机会，建立健全之一，他的第一主题， “团结的非洲”是什么，非洲领导人作出这一呼吁？ Fanon himself saw these compradorbourgeois as obstacles to African unity.法农本人看到这些compradorbourgeois的障碍，非洲统一。 As solution, he stressed the need to “turn the revolution inwards” against these agents of African underdevelopment.作为解决办法，他强调，要“把革命向内” ，对这些代理商的非洲不发达。
From Fanon’s time till present, violence in Africa has taken many forms. 从法农的时间，直至目前，在非洲的暴力行为采取了许多形式。 State brutality against the people has provoked equally hostile responses from the people against the state as seen in Sudan. Tribes have stood against tribes, leading to unforgettable genocides as seen in Rwanda. 国家的残酷打击，人民的挑衅，同样敌对的反应，从人民群众对国家看在苏丹。部落站在对部落，导致难忘的种族灭绝看在卢旺达。 Coups and counter coups, border conflicts, religious conflagrations, secessionist attempts and the struggle among people and nations for access to resources such as land and water are among the several causes of this chaos.政变与反政变，边界冲突，宗教的冲突，分裂国家的图谋和斗争，其中国家和人民为获得资源，如土地和水是其中的几个原因，这混乱。 None however, is as evident as bad leadership, greed, graft and corruption, which remain the worst forms of violence against Africans by Africans.无不过，是作为明显坏的领导下，贪婪，贪污腐败，这仍然是最恶劣形式的暴力侵害非洲人由非洲人。
It was in Fanon’s own Algeria (where he gave his life in the fight against oppression), that the army showered bullets on defenceless youths in 1988.这是在法农自己的阿尔及利亚（如他献出了自己的生命，在打击压迫） ，即军队showered子弹，对手无寸铁的青年在1988年。 This act of carnage forced Fanon’s widow, Josie, to cry from her sickened heart “Oh Frantz, the wretched of the Earth again.” If Fanon were alive today, he would have reiterated the need for such gruesome acts to “be beaten down by force.”这项法案的大屠杀，强迫法侬的遗孀， josie ，哭了，从她生病的心脏“哦frantz ，倒霉的地球再次”如果法侬还活着，今天，他将重申有必要为这种令人发指的行为“被殴打下跌武力“ 。
Conclusion 结论
Fanon died in 1961 at the age of 36 with the language of violence still fresh in his mouth. He was very unrepentant in his claim that “colonialism only loosens its hold when the knife is at its throat.” He would have repeated these same words in the present context of neo-colonial oppression with the conspiracy of Africa’s new “species” of men in the name of leaders. 法农死亡，在1961年在36岁与语言暴力的犹在耳，他的嘴巴，他非常死不悔改，在他声称： “殖民主义只有放松其持有时，把刀是在其咽喉” 。他将这些重复同样的话在目前的新殖民压迫与阴谋，非洲的新“物种”的男子在名称的领导人。
Since Fanon’s death in the age of “the wind of change,” millions of Africans are yet to know the meaning of change.自法侬的死在时代的“变革之风” ，数百万非洲人尚未知道的意思改变。 The challenges still remain for millions more who go night and day without food, clothing in a supposedly scientific, technological and space age.面临的挑战仍然是数百万更多的谁去晚天没有食物，衣服，在一个假定的科学，技术和空间时代。 Adding his voice to Fanon’s call for violence against oppression, Rodney not only identifies the presence of “African accomplices in the imperialist system,” but challenges the oppressed masses to take up the responsibility to understand the system and work for its overthrow.加入他的声音，以法农的要求，暴力侵害的压迫，罗德尼不仅确定了存在的“非洲的帮凶，在帝国主义制度” ，但面临的挑战被压迫人民群众负起责任，了解体制和工作供其推翻。 There are two lessons to be drawn from this line of thinking.有两个吸取的教训从这个思路。 The first is that violence in Africa is intricately linked with the nature of leadership and governance.第一是暴力在非洲是错综复杂的联系与性质的领导水平和执政水平。 Secondly, and consequent upon the first implication, Africa still has many conflicts on its way if the current system remains unchanged.第二，根据第一的含义，非洲仍然有许多的冲突，其方式，如果现行制度不变。 The AU and NEPAD do not have to search too far for causes of instability in Africa.非洲联盟和非洲发展新伙伴关系没有搜索太远，为不稳定的原因是在非洲。
They rather have to search far for solutions beginning with “in-house” cleaning. 他们，而不是要搜索远远的解决办法，开始与“内部”清洗。
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