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Tag Archive | "Negro"


Harry Reid’s Clumsy But Truthful Comments

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Game Change: Obama and the Clintons, McCain and Palin, and the Race of a Lifetime ~ John Heilemann and Mark Halperin.“Reid, assessing Barack Obama’s chances in 2008, cited the fact that the candidate was a ‘light-skinned‘ African-American ‘with no Negro dialect, unless he wanted to have one.‘ Those ill-advised comments, to Mark Halperin and John Heilemann for their new book, ‘Game Change,’ produced an immediate apology by Reid to the president. That was followed immediately by presidential forgiveness: ‘As far as I am concerned, the book is closed.’” — [ READ MORE ]

As Barack Obama quickly realized the book is not closed, Senator’s Reid’s inartful words have sparked hundreds of editorials, and now it’s my turn to vent.

First let’s consider the messenger, Reid isn’t a conservative with a racist streak, he’s a liberal Democrat who was an early supporter of Obama.

Let’s not forget that Reid has an apparently incurable case of “foot-in-mouth disease“, he’s made many bizarre statements. Remember Reid’s quip about the smelly tourists coming into the Capitol”?

Finally at 70-years-old the senator from Nevada isn’t as mentally agile as he was in his younger days.

In other words Reid is no Pat Buchanan, let’s cut the man some slack.

Now let’s consider the message: Obama is a light-skinned African-American with no Negro dialect, unless he wanted to have one. As a writer and as a fan of the absurd, I think Reid’s statement is a masterpiece.

Reid may be the first person in recorded history to refer to a black man as an “African American” and as a “Negro” in the same sentence. Reid the consummate politician refers to Obama as an African American, but a second later Reid the doddering old fool uses the archaic word “Negro.

Reid’s comments were honest and truthful, Obama is a light-skinned African American. The implication that a light-skinned black would have a better chance than a dark-skinned black of winning the presidency is also true. If Obama were as black-skinned as a typical African, he would still be community organizer in Chicago.

The claim that the Harvard Law School-educated Obama doesn’t sound like a homeboy from da hood is spot on. I love Reid’s qualifier that Obama doesn’t have a Negro dialect “unless he wanted to have one.” When Obama is interviewed on TV he sounds like a law school professor, but during the campaign when he was speaking to a predominantly black audience, Obama affected the cadences of a black Baptist preacher. It should be noted that Hillary Clinton the candidate did the same thing when addressing a black audience.

Bottom line: Reid has apologized for his truthful but clumsy statement, and the president has forgiven him. He doesn’t need to give up his leadership post or resign from the Senate. To borrow the words of Bill Clinton, it’s time to “move one.” There are many racists who daily utter vile and false statements about African Americans, they are the ones that we should be criticizing, and not Reid whose days in the Senate appeared to be numbered anyway.

Follow Robert Paul Reyes on Twitter: http://twitter.com/robertpaulreyes

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Leonard Pitts: Why The New York Post’s Chimp Cartoon Is Hurtful

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•    ”Police and deputy sheriffs hunted Wednesday night for a negro ‘beast man.‘” – The Billings Gazette, Sept. 19, 1929
•    ”An original Guinea negro whose blood has not been crossed is as docile as a shepherd dog.” – The Atlanta Constitution, June 4, 1899
•    ”Miss Mary Henderson The Victim of a Negro Beast” – The Moberly Weekly Monitor, Aug. 29, 1901
•    ”For two minutes Joe Louis was a throwback to a wild jungle creature.” – The Associated Press, Jan. 14, 1940
•    ”Towering above them all, his black apelike face, distorted with rage.” – The Oelwein Daily Register, April 24, 1919
•    ”Northerners cannot realize how low in intelligence, how irresponsible the pure negro is. He is an animal.” – The New York Times, June 9, 1901

Just so we’re all clear on why black folk tend to get annoyed when newspapers compare them to animals.

For all that, though, it was not the New York Post’s now-notorious chimp cartoon that offended me. Rather, it was everything that came after.

Last week’s cartoon, referencing a recent incident in which police killed a chimpanzee that mauled a woman in Stamford, Conn., depicts two officers standing over the bullet-riddled body of a dead ape. One says to the other: “They’ll have to find someone else to write the next stimulus bill.

Some observers were outraged, believing that cartoonist Sean Delonas had likened President Barack Obama to a chimp. I thought it equally likely he meant to taunt congressional Democrats (the president, after all, did not “write” the stimulus bill) and had inadvertently blundered into an awful racial stereotype. Given that ambiguity, my instinct was to give Delonas the benefit of the doubt.

Then he opened his mouth.

He and his bosses, actually. First, there was the strident defense: “absolutely friggin’ ridiculous” said the cartoonist in a statement to CNN. Later, with protesters ringing its building, and finding itself questioned and criticized by everyone from the National Association of Black Journalists to New York Gov. David Paterson to the NAACP, the paper issued a grudging, churlish apology in which, even while expressing regret, it tried to blame the controversy on “opportunists” to whom “no apology is due.”

It took nearly a week before it dawned on the paper’s brain trust that maybe people had good reason for their vexation. Tuesday, media baron Rupert Murdoch, who owns the Post, issued a new apology, no strings attached.

That it took so long to do the obvious speaks volumes.

Below: Magazine Cover To The Right Is Meant To Portray Lebron James As The BIG BLACK BRUTE On The Left — Hauling Away A White Woman!

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Let’s be clear on one thing: The Post has a right to provoke and even offend. That is absolute and sacrosanct. But it is difficult not to be troubled by a suffocating cluelessness that allows it to provoke and offend without knowing it or meaning it or even, apparently, caring about it – and then, to dismiss provocation and offense as the work of “opportunists” instead of seeking to understand why people were so upset.

The paper’s attitude, its evident ignorance of historical context, are not unique. Rather, they have their echo in too many white Americans whose default defense is the proverbial good offense whenever they feel cornered on the subject of race.

And yes, that attitude is fed by the fact that in recent years too many African-Americans have found it convenient to cry wolf where race is concerned. But if arrogance on the one end and disingenuousness on the other are our only alternatives, we’re in trouble.

Fittingly, this all unfolds in the wake of Attorney General Eric Holder’s contention that we need to become better and braver in talking about race. Take the Post’s self-satisfied ignorance as Exhibit A.

The paper didn’t know that it didn’t know. One hopes the next time controversy comes calling it will, before deploying its defenses, do what it should have done here.

Shut up and listen.

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Columnist - Leonard Pitts Jr. Click to view larger picture.About The Author: Leonard Pitts, Jr. is a nationally-syndicated columnist and winner of the 2004 Pulitzer Prize for Commentary.

He was originally hired by the Miami Herald to critique music, but within a few years he received his own column in which he dealt extensively with race, politics, and culture. He lives in Bowie, Maryland.

He has won awards for his writing from the Society of Professional Journalists and the American Society of Newspaper Editors, and was first nominated for the Pulitzer Prize in 1993, eventually claiming the honor in 2004. He is also the author of the bestselling book Becoming Dad: Black Men and the Journey to Fatherhood.

Pitts gained national recognition for his widely-circulated column of September 12, 2001, “We’ll Go Forward From This Moment,” in which he described the toughness of the American spirit even in the face of such a horrible attack.

In June 2007, Pitts was the subject of a campaign of death threats and harassment by neo-Nazis angry at a column he wrote about two whites raped and murdered in Knoxville, Tennessee. In his column addressing the murders, Pitts stated “for the crackpots, incendiaries and flat-out racists who have chosen this tragedy upon which to take an obscene and ludicrous stand. I have four words for them and any other white Americans who feel themselves similarly victimized. Cry me a river.

More death threats were made in April 2008 before his appearance at the University of Puget Sound.

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| Read More About Leonard Pitts Jr. | Visit his website at www.leonardpittsjr.com.

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The stranger and the little black girl

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A stranger was seated next to a little black girl on the airplane when the stranger turned to her and said, “Let’s talk. I’ve heard that flights go quicker if you strike up a conversation with your fellow passenger.”

The little girl, who had just opened her coloring book, closed it slowly and said to the stranger, “What would you like to talk about?

“Oh, I don’t know,” said the stranger. “Since you are a Negro, do you think that So-called President Elect Barack Obama is qualified for the job?” and he smiles.

“OK”, she said. ‘That could be an interesting topic. But let me ask you a question first. A horse, a cow, and a deer all eat the same stuff – grass -. Yet a deer excretes little pellets, while a cow turns out a flat patty, and a horse produces clumps of dried grass. Why do you suppose that is?”

The stranger, visibly surprised by the little girl’s intelligence, thinks about it and says, “Hmmm, I have no idea.”
To which the little girl replies, “Do you really feel qualified to discuss President Barak Obama… when you don’t know sh_t?”

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Jeremiah and Son

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Frederick Douglass: ‘The Meaning of July Fourth for the Negro’

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In his speech, Douglass delivered a scathing attack on the hypocrisy of a nation celebrating freedom and independence with speeches, parades and platitudes, while, within its borders, nearly four million humans were being kept as slaves.

   Frederick Douglass (1817-1895)
Frederick Douglass (1817-1895)Frederick Douglass (1817-1895) was the best known and most influential African American leader of the 1800s. He was born a slave in Maryland but managed to escape to the North in 1838.

He traveled to Massachusetts and settled in New Bedford, working as a laborer to support himself. In 1841, he attended a convention of the Massachusetts Antislavery Society and quickly came to the attention of its members, eventually becoming a leading figure in the New England antislavery movement.

Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, An American SlaveIn 1845, Douglass published his autobiography, “The Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass: an American Slave.” With the revelation that he was an escaped slave, Douglass became fearful of possible re-enslavement and fled to Great Britain and stayed there for two years, giving lectures in support of the antislavery movement in America. With the assistance of English Quakers, Douglass raised enough money to buy his own his freedom and in 1847 he returned to America as a free man.

He settled in Rochester, New York, where he published The North Star, an abolitionist newspaper. He directed the local underground railroad which smuggled escaped slaves into Canada and also worked to end racial segregation in Rochester’s public schools.

During the 1850s, Frederick Douglass typically spent about six months of the year travelling extensively, giving lectures. During one winter — the winter of 1855-1856 — he gave about 70 lectures during a tour that covered four to five thousand miles. And his speaking engagements did not halt at the end of a tour. From his home in Rochester, New York, he took part in local abolition-related events.

In 1852, the leading citizens of Rochester asked Douglass to give a speech as part of their Fourth of July celebrations. Douglass accepted their invitation. On July 5, 1852, Douglass gave a speech at an event commemorating the signing of the Declaration of Independence, held at Rochester’s Corinthian Hall. It was biting oratory, in which the speaker told his audience, “This Fourth of July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice, I must mourn.” And he asked them, “Do you mean, citizens, to mock me, by asking me to speak to-day?

Douglass proceeded to deliver a scathing attack on the hypocrisy of a nation celebrating freedom and independence with speeches, parades and platitudes, while, within its borders, nearly four million humans were being kept as slaves.

Within the now-famous address is what historian Philip S. Foner has called “probably the most moving passage in all of Douglass’ speeches.

What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer; a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sound of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciation of tyrants brass fronted impudence; your shout of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanks-givings, with all your religious parade and solemnity, are to him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy — a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody than are the people of the United States, at this very hour.

The Speech follows:

Fellow Citizens, I am not wanting in respect for the fathers of this republic. The signers of the Declaration of Independence were brave men. They were great men, too Ã’ great enough to give frame to a great age. It does not often happen to a nation to raise, at one time, such a number of truly great men. The point from which I am compelled to view them is not, certainly, the most favorable; and yet I cannot contemplate their great deeds with less than admiration. They were statesmen, patriots and heroes, and for the good they did, and the principles they contended for, I will unite with you to honor their memory….

…Fellow-citizens, pardon me, allow me to ask, why am I called upon to speak here to-day? What have I, or those I represent, to do with your national independence? Are the great principles of political freedom and of natural justice, embodied in that Declaration of Independence, extended to us? and am I, therefore, called upon to bring our humble offering to the national altar, and to confess the benefits and express devout gratitude for the blessings resulting from your independence to us?

Would to God, both for your sakes and ours, that an affirmative answer could be truthfully returned to these questions! Then would my task be light, and my burden easy and delightful. For who is there so cold, that a nation’s sympathy could not warm him? Who so obdurate and dead to the claims of gratitude, that would not thankfully acknowledge such priceless benefits? Who so stolid and selfish, that would not give his voice to swell the hallelujahs of a nation’s jubilee, when the chains of servitude had been torn from his limbs? I am not that man. In a case like that, the dumb might eloquently speak, and the “lame man leap as an hart.”

But such is not the state of the case. I say it with a sad sense of the disparity between us. I am not included within the pale of glorious anniversary! Your high independence only reveals the immeasurable distance between us. The blessings in which you, this day, rejoice, are not enjoyed in common. Ã’The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity and independence, bequeathed by your fathers, is shared by you, not by me. The sunlight that brought light and healing to you, has brought stripes and death to me. This Fourth July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice, I must mourn. To drag a man in fetters into the grand illuminated temple of liberty, and call upon him to join you in joyous anthems, were inhuman mockery and sacrilegious irony. Do you mean, citizens, to mock me, by asking me to speak to-day? If so, there is a parallel to your conduct. And let me warn you that it is dangerous to copy the example of a nation whose crimes, towering up to heaven, were thrown down by the breath of the Almighty, burying that nation in irrevocable ruin! I can to-day take up the plaintive lament of a peeled and woe-smitten people!

“By the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down. Yea! we wept when we remembered Zion. We hanged our harps upon the willows in the midst thereof. For there, they that carried us away captive, required of us a song; and they who wasted us required of us mirth, saying, Sing us one of the songs of Zion. How can we sing the Lord’s song in a strange land? If I forget thee, 0 Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth.”

Fellow-citizens, above your national, tumultuous joy, I hear the mournful wail of millions! whose chains, heavy and grievous yesterday, are, to-day, rendered more intolerable by the jubilee shouts that reach them. If I do forget, if I do not faithfully remember those bleeding children of sorrow this day, “may my right hand forget her cunning, and may my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth!” To forget them, to pass lightly over their wrongs, and to chime in with the popular theme, would be treason most scandalous and shocking, and would make me a reproach before God and the world. My subject, then, fellow-citizens, is American slavery. I shall see this day and its popular characteristics from the slave’s point of view. Standing there identified with the American bondman, making his wrongs mine, I do not hesitate to declare, with all my soul, that the character and conduct of this nation never looked blacker to me than on this 4th of July! Whether we turn to the declarations of the past, or to the professions of the present, the conduct of the nation seems equally hideous and revolting. America is false to the past, false to the present, and solemnly binds herself to be false to the future. Standing with God and the crushed and bleeding slave on this occasion, I will, in the name of humanity which is outraged, in the name of liberty which is fettered, in the name of the constitution and the Bible which are disregarded and trampled upon, dare to call in question and to denounce, with all the emphasis I can command, everything that serves to perpetuate slavery Ã’ the great sin and shame of America! “I will not equivocate; I will not excuse”; I will use the severest language I can command; and yet not one word shall escape me that any man, whose judgment is not blinded by prejudice, or who is not at heart a slaveholder, shall not confess to be right and just.

But I fancy I hear some one of my audience say, “It is just in this circumstance that you and your brother abolitionists fail to make a favorable impression on the public mind. Would you argue more, an denounce less; would you persuade more, and rebuke less; your cause would be much more likely to succeed.” But, I submit, where all is plain there is nothing to be argued. What point in the anti-slavery creed would you have me argue? On what branch of the subject do the people of this country need light? Must I undertake to prove that the slave is a man? That point is conceded already. Nobody doubts it. The slaveholders themselves acknowledge it in the enactment of laws for their government. They acknowledge it when they punish disobedience on the part of the slave. There are seventy-two crimes in the State of Virginia which, if committed by a black man (no matter how ignorant he be), subject him to the punishment of death; while only two of the same crimes will subject a white man to the like punishment. What is this but the acknowledgment that the slave is a moral, intellectual, and responsible being? The manhood of the slave is conceded. It is admitted in the fact that Southern statute books are covered with enactments forbidding, under severe fines and penalties, the teaching of the slave to read or to write. When you can point to any such laws in reference to the beasts of the field, then I may consent to argue the manhood of the slave. When the dogs in your streets, when the fowls of the air, when the cattle on your hills, when the fish of the sea, and the reptiles that crawl, shall be unable to distinguish the slave from a brute, then will I argue with you that the slave is a man!

For the present, it is enough to affirm the equal manhood of the Negro race. Is it not astonishing that, while we are ploughing, planting, and reaping, using all kinds of mechanical tools, erecting houses, constructing bridges, building ships, working in metals of brass, iron, copper, silver and gold; that, while we are reading, writing and ciphering, acting as clerks, merchants and secretaries, having among us lawyers, doctors, ministers, poets, authors, editors, orators and teachers; that, while we are engaged in all manner of enterprises common to other men, digging gold in California, capturing the whale in the Pacific, feeding sheep and cattle on the hill-side, living, moving, acting, thinking, planning, living in families as husbands, wives and children, and, above all, confessing and worshipping the Christian’s God, and looking hopefully for life and immortality beyond the grave, we are called upon to prove that we are men!

Would you have me argue that man is entitled to liberty? that he is the rightful owner of his own body? You have already declared it. Must I argue the wrongfulness of slavery? Is that a question for Republicans? Is it to be settled by the rules of logic and argumentation, as a matter beset with great difficulty, involving a doubtful application of the principle of justice, hard to be understood? How should I look to-day, in the presence of Amercans, dividing, and subdividing a discourse, to show that men have a natural right to freedom? speaking of it relatively and positively, negatively and affirmatively. To do so, would be to make myself ridiculous, and to offer an insult to your understanding. There is not a man beneath the canopy of heaven that does not know that slavery is wrong for him.

What, am I to argue that it is wrong to make men brutes, to rob them of their liberty, to work them without wages, to keep them ignorant of their relations to their fellow men, to beat them with sticks, to flay their flesh with the lash, to load their limbs with irons, to hunt them with dogs, to sell them at auction, to sunder their families, to knock out their teeth, to burn their flesh, to starve them into obedience and submission to their mastcrs? Must I argue that a system thus marked with blood, and stained with pollution, is wrong? No! I will not. I have better employment for my time and strength than such arguments would imply.

What, then, remains to be argued? Is it that slavery is not divine; that God did not establish it; that our doctors of divinity are mistaken? There is blasphemy in the thought. That which is inhuman, cannot be divine! Who can reason on such a proposition? They that can, may; I cannot. The time for such argument is passed.

At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument, is needed. O! had I the ability, and could reach the nation’s ear, I would, to-day, pour out a fiery stream of biting ridicule, blasting reproach, withering sarcasm, and stern rebuke. For it is not light that is needed, but fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder. We need the storm, the whirlwind, and the earthquake. The feeling of the nation must be quickened; the conscience of the nation must be roused; the propriety of the nation must be startled; the hypocrisy of the nation must be exposed; and its crimes against God and man must be proclaimed and denounced.

What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer; a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciation of tyrants, brass fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade and solemnity, are, to Him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy — a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody than are the people of the United States, at this very hour.

Go where you may, search where you will, roam through all the monarchies and despotisms of the Old World, travel through South America, search out every abuse, and when you have found the last, lay your facts by the side of the everyday practices of this nation, and you will say with me, that, for revolting barbarity and shameless hypocrisy, America reigns without a rival….

…Allow me to say, in conclusion, notwithstanding the dark picture I have this day presented, of the state of the nation, I do not despair of this country. There are forces in operation which must inevitably work the downfall of slavery. “The arm of the Lord is not shortened,” and the doom of slavery is certain. I, therefore, leave off where I began, with hope. While drawing encouragement from “the Declaration of Independence,” the great principles it contains, and the genius of American Institutions, my spirit is also cheered by the obvious tendencies of the age. Nations do not now stand in the same relation to each other that they did ages ago. No nation can now shut itself up from the surrounding world and trot round in the same old path of its fathers without interference. The time was when such could be done. Long established customs of hurtful character could formerly fence themselves in, and do their evil work with social impunity. Knowledge was then confined and enjoyed by the privileged few, and the multitude walked on in mental darkness. But a change has now come over the affairs of mankind. Walled cities and empires have become unfashionable. The arm of commerce has borne away the gates of the strong city. Intelligence is penetrating the darkest corners of the globe. It makes its pathway over and under the sea, as well as on the earth. Wind, steam, and lightning are its chartered agents. Oceans no longer divide, but link nations together. From Boston to London is now a holiday excursion. Space is comparatively annihilated. — Thoughts expressed on one side of the Atlantic are distinctly heard on the other.

The far off and almost fabulous Pacific rolls in grandeur at our feet. The Celestial Empire, the mystery of ages, is being solved. The fiat of the Almighty, “Let there be Light,” has not yet spent its force. No abuse, no outrage whether in taste, sport or avarice, can now hide itself from the all-pervading light. The iron shoe, and crippled foot of China must be seen in contrast with nature. Africa must rise and put on her yet unwoven garment. ‘Ethiopia, shall, stretch. out her hand unto Ood.” In the fervent aspirations of William Lloyd Garrison, I say, and let every heart join in saying it:

God speed the year of jubilee
The wide world o’er!
When from their galling chains set free,
Th’ oppress’d shall vilely bend the knee,
And wear the yoke of tyranny
Like brutes no more.
That year will come, and freedom’s reign,
To man his plundered rights again
Restore.

God speed the day when human blood
Shall cease to flow!
In every clime be understood,
The claims of human brotherhood,
And each return for evil, good,
Not blow for blow;
That day will come all feuds to end,
And change into a faithful friend
Each foe.

God speed the hour, the glorious hour,
When none on earth
Shall exercise a lordly power,
Nor in a tyrant’s presence cower;
But to all manhood’s stature tower,
By equal birth!
That hour will come, to each, to all,
And from his Prison-house, to thrall
Go forth.

Until that year, day, hour, arrive,
With head, and heart, and hand I’ll strive,
To break the rod, and rend the gyve,
The spoiler of his prey deprive —
So witness Heaven!
And never from my chosen post,
Whate’er the peril or the cost,
Be driven.

Frederick Douglass – July 4, 1852

From:

The Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, Volume II
Pre-Civil War Decade 1850-1860
Philip S. Foner
International Publishers Co., Inc., New York, 1950

AND

The History Place

REFERENCES:

1. Document – United States Declaration of Independence

Document -- US Declaration of Independence
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2. United States Declaration of Independence — Wikipedia

3. From AfriqueOnline: America is a country born of hypocrisy and nurtured in racism and oppression. How stupendous a hypocrite do you have to be to write a document that declares “All men are created equal” while at that very moment you have two hundred human beings chained in your back yard working as your slaves? America’s political system (which was designed by these hypocrites) is no better that a shell game which gives rich people control and the rest of us the shaft…..[MORE >>]

Frederick Douglass : Autobiographies : Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave / My Bondage and My Freedom / Life and Times of Frederick Douglass (Library of America)

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Why Obama is Black, not White

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By PHILIP OCHIENG

Evolutionary Scientist Richard Dawkins: “It is the height of injustice to think of a person as “black” just because his blood is “tainted” with “black,” whereas, if “taint” is what it is, then his blood is equally tainted with “white,” in which case, he equally qualifies also as white.

Philip Ochieng: “Barack Obama is 50 per cent European and 50 per cent African. And, if he is conscious of this double heritage, he might serve America with a much keener sense of justice than any ‘pure Caucasian’ or ‘pure Negro.’”

WHY IS THE WHITE MEDIA SO preoccupied with Barack Obama’s race? Is it because the young Illinois senator could become the first black person to be elected president of a predominantly white country? If so, then it is a sad commentary on white psychology.

   Barack and Michelle Obama
Barack and MichelleIn the 1970s, the Anglo-American media showed little or no interest when an African country elected a white man as its president. To be sure, the Seychelles is as multiracial as the United States. But make no mistake about it. It is a black country.

Albert Rene is a Caucasian of French extraction — the Indian Ocean archipelago having once been a French colony. Yet his racial category did not bother the voters. They chose him only because, at heart, he was more African than most members of the OAU heads of state summit.

Detractors see nothing but racism in the excitement over Obama’s blackness. The white West seems electrified that the scion of an adventurous “tribesman” from deep inside the Dark Continent may become the most powerful man in a white-dominated world.

The question is: Is Obama a black man? There are, of course, two ways of answering that question — first by his attitude and then by his skin colour. Looking at how he habitually responds to social cues, some of his fellow black Americans are tempted to dismiss him as an Uncle Tom.

An Uncle Tom is the American equivalent of our Afro-Saxons — jet-black individuals so mesmerised by white bourgeois values that they fawn shamelessly on any white person they meet.

But, evidently, Obama is not an Uncle Tom. Therefore, we must say that, if he is black, it is only on the surface — that is, skin deep. Most people do not see how strange that statement is. By what figment of the imagination can Senator Barack Obama be called black even on the evidence of skin?

In my reading, I have met only one person struck by this absurdity. Indeed, Richard Dawkins, the outspoken Oxford evolutionary biologist, is germane here because he shares something vital with Barack Obama Senior and myself: All three of us were born in Kenya many decades ago.

But although Dawkins is as white as gypsum, he knows much more than most of mankind about mankind’s “raciation.” That is why he “lights no torch” — a phrase which I borrow from him — on the scourge of racism. That is why it appals him that Obama is called a black man.

Of his many books, Dawkins is best known for The Selfish Gene and, more recently, The God Delusion, a book which puts him in the same bracket as two other Kenyans — an equally controversial white evolutionary biologist called Richard Leakey and a charcoal-black man called Philip Ochieng.

I am still in the middle of “A Pilrimage to the Dawn of Life: The Ancestor’s Tale, Dawkins’s latest work. But I have reached the page where he demands to be shown the logic of a system which makes you black even when your blood is 90 per cent “Caucasian” and only 10 per cent “Negroid.”

Writes Dawkins:People who are universally agreed by all Americans to be ‘black’ may draw less than one-eighth of their ancestry from Africa, and often have a light skin colour well within the normal range for people universally agreed to be ‘white’.

He draws the reader’s attention to a “…picture of four American politicians, two of whom are described in all newspapers as ‘black’ [and] the other two as ‘white’.” The picture is of Condoleezza Rice, Colin Powell, George Bush and Donald Rumsfeld. Dawkins asks an inevitable question:

“Wouldn’t a Martian, unschooled in our conventions but able to see skin shades, be more likely to split them three against one? Surely, yes.” Why? Because, in the picture, Rice stands out “darkly” against the other three, not to mention that her attire (female) would also strike the Martian’s eye as oddly out of line.

Dawkins goes on: “But in our culture, almost everybody will immediately ‘see’ Mr Powell as ‘black,’ even in this particular photograph, which happens to show him with possibly lighter skin than [even] Bush and Rumsfeld.” What exactly can it mean?

Many members of the American intelligentsia would boast that it is a manifestation of “pluralism.” But many others have sneered at this claim. Carl Friedrich (in The New Belief in the Common Man) agrees that “The … United States [is a] ‘teeming nation of nations’.” He asserts: “Here all the nationalities of Europe have come together…”

But he hastens to point out that there is a great deal of phobia even between the white immigrants from Europe, saying that, “…while they are all Americans, it would be a great mistake to think that the different nationalities embrace each other in loving affection.”

As H. L. Mencken wrote long ago in his American Language, Americans have coined numerous derogatory terms for each European ethnic group — pejoratives like wops, chinks, limeys and yids.

In “The Evil That Men Do,” Brian Masters informs us: “In the First World War, the Germans were called Huns by the British and Boches by the French. The Vietnamese were called gooks by the [white] Americans, Jews are referred to as yids and almost any dark-skinned person is a wog to many Englishmen. While it may not be acceptable, except to a sadist, to tear a peasant lady’s head off as her children watch, the feat can be accomplished with ease if she is only a gook, a wog or a yid.”

THE QUESTION IS: SHOULD Americans be patted on the back for hurling these unfriendly tribal epithets at one another?

Is this the significance of what Daniel Easterman (in New Jerusalems) and Dale Davidson and William Rees-Mogg (in The Great Reckoning) brag about as “cultural pluralism” or John Naisbitt (in Megatrends) as “multiculturalism”?

In The Closing of the American Mind, Allan Bloom avers that “… anybody can become an American in an instant…” But Friedrich points out that America’s social groups, even ethnic whites, have to think twice whether they really belong fully.

If this were not so, America’s mega-cities would long ago have amalgamated their “Chinatowns,” “Polack towns” and the “spa-ghetto” in which New York City’s ethnic Italians languish.

They would also have banished from their vocabulary the word Wasp (White Anglo-Saxon Protestant), given its connotation of superiority over all other white groups and racial minorities. Even Naisbitt recognises that the American “melting pot” of races and white ethnic groups is a myth.

For him, there exists something much better than a melting pot — cultural pluralism. Writes Naisbitt: “We have moved from the myth of the melting pot to a celebration of cultural diversity.

“It is a far cry from the way the Americans handled ethnicity in the past. We seemed to put new immigrants through a metaphorical blender until they came out [as] homogenised Americans, with little remaining of their former heritage.” So what has replaced the melting pot?

His reply: “One key factor behind the increasing acceptance of ethnic diversity has been the rapid growth of two minorities in particular: Spanish-speaking Americans, who [in the mid-1980s] officially number l5 million … or about 6.4 per cent of the population, and Asian Americans, about 3.5 million or about l.5 per cent of the US population.”

“With three sizeable minorities now in the nation — the largest being the blacks, with 26 million or about one-tenth of the US population — the either/or world where Americans were either black or white is over for ever. That was a world structured to encourage uniformity rather than diversity.”

“Blacks, as the only recognised ethnic group, encountered racial and ethnic prejudice; whites, who were themselves ethnically diverse, tried to emulate (subconsciously perhaps) the Wasp ideal. With more racial and ethnic groups now (think of Asian Orientals and Latins, who are black, white and brown), uniformity is impossible…”

“And white Americans are identifying with their own ethnic roots to join the new game of diversity. Even major ethnic groups are diverse. Latins are Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Guatemalan, San Salvadorean, Columbian, and from a variety of Central and Southern American countries.”

Note this. By “Asians,” Americans mean Chinese, Filipino, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, Laotian, Indonesian and other Mongoloid immigrants. The word Asian has nothing to do with the British or East African “Asians” of subcontinental origin.

So, in Naisbitt’s account black Americans are just another “ethnic group” — indeed, even as “the only group recognisable as ethnic.” Why? Is it because they are recognisable by a common colour, their blackness?

But why can’t anybody else be seen as ethnic through his white skin? The truth is the opposite. Blacks are the only non-ethnic community of non-natives in the entire North American landscape. They are the only genuine nation in the United States.

For they are composed of all African (and, given Barack Obama and others of mixed race, even all European and Native American) ethnicities so well blended together that their various ethnic peculiarities (such as Africa’s Bantu, Hamite, Nilote, Bushmanoid or Luo, Wolof and Kongo) have long disappeared.

Slave conditions (and this may have been a blessing) forced them to unite under a single yoke, discarding their narrow original African (and European) costumes.

Moreover, Naisbitt’s advocacy of racial and ethnic diversity in conditions of economic and intellectual injustice that themselves follow racial and ethnic lines is clearly amoral. It is not based on each group’s natural right to existence but merely on the fact that their presence in America is unavoidable.

He seems to say: “History has dumped us all here and since — because of our chauvinism and economic greed– we are unable to unite as races, let us celebrate our racial and ethnic diversity. Let us not worry about our material differences (even though they are based on these very racial differences).”

Naisbitt seems to say: “All the races and tribes of America are here to stay whether you like it or not. You gain exactly nothing — and even injure your own selves — by making so much noise about it and burning one another’s houses and churches.” Bully for him.

But it poses a good question for Americans that, if its ruling classes were longer-sighted, the country would have asked itself long ago to save its citizens and other members of the human family the unnecessary suffering that white racism has inflicted on other races as well as on the whites themselves for so many centuries.

Yet, by neatly avoiding the fact that self-interest underlies these tragedies, Naisbitt is able to make the simplistic claim that the American people are consciously making the choice against the “melting pot” and that the “game” now is “cultural pluralism.”

The fact, however, is that this trend is a result of Wasp chauvinism rather than of any choice freely and consciously made by “Americans.” It does not result from any realisation that such pluralism is better than a melting pot. One hopes, moreover, that Naisbitt is confining his statement to the US because others have made diametrically opposite claims about Europe.

But if Naisbitt is right to say that there is no such thing as a blend or a melting pot as far as the ethnic spirit goes, surely Allan Bloom, the respected Chicago educator, is also right. Fundamentally, all these European ethnic groups and other immigrants have, over a protracted period of time, become homogenised.

Yet this is correct only up to a point. Only in the liberal ideology of individualism — only in greed, in the go-getting spirit, only in the ferocity with which that quest is pursued — is it possible to become an American overnight — not in terms of essence, not in terms of ethnicity and race.

Bloom states that any immigrant can become an American the minute he or she lands on the Atlantic shores of that country. In other words, there is nothing easier than to become an American. But there is a racial element even in this. Bloom’s assertion is correct only to the extent that it refers to white individuals.

IT IS OF THEM THAT HISTORIAN Maldwyn Allen Jones speaks. In Made in America, Bill Bryson quotes him as saying: “Culturally estranged from their parents by their American education, and wanting nothing so much as to become and to be accepted as Americans, many second-generation immigrants made deliberate efforts to rid themselves of their [ethnic] heritage.

“The adoption of American clothes, speech and interests, often accompanied by the shedding of an exotic surname, were all part of a process whereby antecedents were repudiated as a means of improving status.”

Bryson reports that it was an immigrant from Western Europe who coined the phrase melting pot to describe this phenomenon of overnight Americanisation of what a detractor called “the dregs of Europe.”

“By the turn of the [19th] century,” Bryson writes, New York had become easily the most cosmopolitan city the world had ever seen. Eighty per cent of its five million inhabitants were either foreign-born or the children of immigrants.

“It had more Italians than the combined populations of Florence, Genoa and Venice, more Irish than anywhere but Dublin, more Russians than Kiev. As Herman Melville put it: ‘We are not so much a nation as a world.‘”

But, reports Bryson, it was a British Zionist called Israel Zangwill who, in 1908, wrote a play depicting this immigration avalanche. He called it The Melting Pot and thus gave the Americans and the rest of the English-speaking world an unforgettably expressive term.

THE QUESTION, HOWEVER, IS: has America ever really been a melting pot? How deep was this Americanisation of Europeans? When the Europeans left their ethnic settings to settle in America, they were quick to learn American ways — but only what it took to be accepted as Americans by mainstream Americans.

And we learn that what it took to do that was extremely superficial. Here is Bryson: “Once across the ocean, the immigrants tended naturally to congregate in enclaves. Almost all migrants from Norway between 1815 and 1860 settled in just four states, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa and Illinois.

“In much the same way, two-thirds of the Dutch were to be found in Michigan, New York, Wisconsin and Iowa… In the first half of the 19th century, several German societies were formed with the express intention of… concentrating immigration in a particular area [so] that they could take it over.

“One German spoke for many when he dreamed of Pennsylvania becoming ‘an entirely German state where… the beautiful German language would be used in the legislative halls of the courts of justice’…”

We learn that “Pennsylvanian Dutch” nearly became the official language of that state, a language so called by corrupting Deutsch, the German word for “German.”

This was the beginning of the white ghetto system in America, and the increasingly rapid stream of immigrants from Eastern and Mediterranean Europe soon revealed the age-old arrogance of people of Northern European origin.

This Nordic conceit was not native to America. It was imported from Europe. In Africans and Their History, Joseph Harris, a black American historian, describes the attitude of one 19th-century European exponent of it: “Some critics have observed that Joseph de Gobineau’s Essai sur l’Inegalite (‘Essay on Inequality’) was the most directly influential publication on racism in the 19th century.

“Gobineau, a Frenchman, extolled the racial purity of the Nordics and explained that as the Franks [Nordics] mixed with Gallic [Celtic] stocks, the former became weaker and more decadent, which eventually led to their overthrow by commoner elements, the leaders of the French Revolution.”

According to Gobineau, then, France’s alliance of aristocrats and priests ruled France by dint of their Teutonic (Frankish) blood. To disturb this arrangement — through the demand for justice that culminated in the great bourgeois revolution of 1789 — could only be the work of the “lower blood” Celto-Latin admixture extant in the French nation.

Harris reports: In his book The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century, Houston S. Chamberlain, an Englishman who later became a German citizen, expanded on Gobineau’s ideas. Chamberlain attempted to show that almost everything worthwhile in history [was] accomplished by Nordics.

“He combined ideas on the evolutionary struggle with the will for power and presented a doctrine of the master race similar to that later adopted by Hitler.” Both Gobineau and Chamberlain were writing at a time when immigration into the United States from Southern and Eastern Europe and the Balkans had become a flood.

According to Bill Bryson, “In 1907, to give vent to the growing concerns that America was being swept to oblivion by a tide of rabble [from Eastern Europe], Congress established a panel called the Dillingham Commission.”

Its 42-volume report concluded essentially that immigration before 1880 had been no bad thing — the immigrants, primarily from Northern Europe, were (by implication) industrious, decent, trustworthy and largely Protestant, and as a result had assimilated well.

“But immigration after 1880 had been marked by the entry into America of uneducated, unsophisticated, largely shiftless and certainly non-Protestant masses from Southern and Eastern Europe. It maintained that the [immigrant] Germans and Scandinavians had bought farms and become productive members of American society, while the second merely soaked up charity and acted as a [drain] on industrial earnings.”

It was the same Teutonic conceit that the world has since become familiar with.

And yet when a black man, Andrew Young pointed this out (when he was Jimmy Carter’s ambassador to the United Nations), there was great uproar from Wasps in America and Europe.

An otherwise intelligent white writer makes this fatuous claim about the British, especially the English: “Although they often behaved tyrannically in their empire, the British are not by inclination a tyrannical people.” No statement can be more meaningless.

No race, nation or tribe is ever tyrannical or chauvinistic “by inclination,” that is to say, genetically. The British Empire was tyrannical in whatever way you look at it. But “inclination” had nothing to do with it. It is not the British people who are to blame — although all classes of British society were seduced into racism by the propaganda of the upper classes.

It was the economic interests of these classes that come into play. Such interests are what propel all empire-builders. Tyranny and empire-building are attributes of civilisation, culture and opportunity.

Moreover, it is a class question: Lower-class members of the same race, nation or tribe will equally suffer from it under the illusion that they are actually beneficiaries — as Kenya’s own elite Gema grouping seduced the Kikuyu, Embu and Meru masses into believing that their interests are identical even as their Kamatusa counterparts were doing the same to the Kalenjin, Maasai and Turkana masses.

Tyranny over other nations can assume national proportions only to the extent that the ruling class of one race can turn a whole nation of a different race into a class targeted for exploitation. Racism becomes a national thought-habit only to the extent that the lower classes are deeply swayed by the prejudices, trappings, ideas and practices of the ruling classes within the same nation and race.

Only bourgeois Britain — and not the British in general — colonised and tyrannised, for example, Kenya, though, of course, British propagandists gave the British working class the illusion that they were also beneficiaries.

Ali Mazrui writes somewhere, “It is worth distinguishing between Germanic whites … on one side, and Latin whites … on the other. Germanic cultures encompass not only the Germans but also the Anglo-Saxons (British and mainstream United States) and the Dutch.”

“Latin culture embraces not only Italians but also the traditions of Spain, Portugal and France… On the balance, Germanic cultures have been more obsessed with separation of the races than have Latin cultures.”

“It may not be an accident that the most elaborate cases of segregation, and the most fanatical forms of racism in the 20th century, have been perpetrated by Germans (Nazism), Afrikaners (apartheid), Americans (the Jim Crow culture of lynching) and the British (with their segregated empire). All these racist traditions are culturally Germanic.”

“Of course, the Spanish, the Portuguese, the Italians and the French have had their own versions of racism. But their brand of ethnocentrism has been less segregationist, less obsessed with the social and sexual separation of races. Latin whites have intermarried more readily with non-whites and mixed socially with other races with greater ease than have Germanic whites.”

By separating “the Germans” from “the Anglo-Saxons,” Mazrui forgets that the Angles originated from Germany’s Schleswig-Holstein and the Saxons from Germany’s Nieder Sachsen (Lower Saxony).

Among the Germanic peoples, Mazrui does not mention the Danes, Norwegians, Swedes and Icelanders (and a part of the Swiss), probably because the Scandinavians, being shielded from contact both with Mediterranean whites and with blacks and other races, have never shown very intense racist attitudes.

Nor does the professor mention the other great European culturo-linguistic groups, such as the Celts (Irish, Welsh, Scots and the Bretons of France), the Slavs (Russians, Poles, Ukrainians, Czechs, Serbs, Croats, etc.) He is also silent on the Basque, Suomi (Finns) and Magyar (Hungarians), who, linguistically at least, are not Europeans.

But he is right on two scores. Racism is a cultural phenomenon, not a genetic one. The apparent reason that white racism has been more intense among the Germanic peoples than among the Latins — despite what I have just said about the Scandinavians — is that the Latins have been contiguous with the blacks and browns for millennia.

Once upon a time, they even looked to black peoples — like the Danaans of Greece, the Copts of Egypt, the pre-Arab Libyans, the Moors of Mauritania and Spain and other “Ethiopians” — for intellectual, scientific and religious inspiration and guidance.

The Germanic peoples, on the other hand, have met with these brands of humanity only relatively recently, namely after the Germanics had taken over world leadership in technological and intellectual matters.

NEVERTHELESS, THE ASSUMPTION by David Lamb (in The Africans) that racist attitudes belong only to the uneducated lower classes of whites, is wrong. Racism, as we have seen in America, is more an economic expression than a question of skin colour.

Moreover, it should be patent that only the upper classes of the Germanic race — as opposed to the lower classes — had the opportunity to travel overseas to meet other races and form opinions about them, including racist opinions. Anybody familiar with the intellectual history of Europe will see that racism was not propagated by the lower classes — who, at any rate, had no access to the media.

The greatest apostles of racism include such highly educated intellectuals as Luis Agassiz, Cyril Burt, Havelock Ellis, GWF Hegel, Richard Herrnstein, David Hume, Arthur Jensen, Cesare Lombroso, J. Murray, Albert Schweitzer, Joseph Seligman, Hugh Trevor-Roper and HG Wells.

But in this way the Germanic peoples — especially the Germans, Dutch, English and Yankee — have brought onto the world (and onto their own selves) a great deal of completely unnecessary suffering, bloodshed and death.

It is through their colonies — intra-European as well as overseas — that the white dregs and other racial groups were taught to look down upon one another in a descending order and prevented from tackling the main problem.

In his Autobiography, Malcolm X has a fascinating report on this graduated intra-white stupidity: “[New York City's Harlem] hadn’t always been a community of Negroes. It had first been a Dutch settlement, I learned.

Then began the massive waves of poor and half-starved and ragged immigrants from Europe, arriving with everything they owned in the world in bags and sacks on their backs. The Germans came first [to Harlem]; the Dutch edged away for them, and Harlem became all-German.”

Then came the Irish, running from the potato famine [in Ireland]. The Germans ran, looking down their noses at the Irish, who took over Harlem. Next, the Italians; same thing — the Irish ran [away] from them. The Italians had Harlem when the Jews came down the gangplanks — and then the Italians left.”

Today all these same immigrants’ descendants are running as hard as they can to escape the descendants of the Negroes who helped to unload the immigrant ships. I was staggered when old-time Harlemites told me that while this immigrant musical chairs game had been going on, Negroes had been in New York since 1683, before any of [the whites] came, and had been ghettoed all over the city.”

“They had first been in the Wall Street area; then they were pushed into Greenwich Village [south Manhattan]. The next shove was up to the Pennsylvania Station area. And then, the last stop before Harlem, the black ghetto was concentrated around 52nd Street, which is how 52nd Street got the Swing Street name and reputation that lasted long after the Negroes were gone.”

“Then, in 1910, a Negro real estate man somehow got two or three Negro families into one Jewish Harlem apartment house. The Jews fled from that house, then from that block, and more Negroes came in to fill their apartments. Then whole blocks of Jews ran, and still more Negroes came uptown, until in a short time, Harlem was like it is today — virtually all black.”

We know it cannot be genetic. It must have been some event remembered only in the subconscious that made the European so extremely intolerant of any but the closest relatives. This kind of behaviour is unknown among other ethnic communities in human history.

I reiterate that, in this way, the whites, especially the Germanic peoples, have brought totally unnecessary suffering upon mankind, including upon themselves. John Griffin, a self-liberated white man, once swallowed chemicals to blacken his skin in order to be able to experience firsthand how the Negro felt in the face of this white ferocity.

Griffin subsequently wrote a book called Black Like Me, in which he observes that whoever causes suffering to other people on the basis of such totally false assumptions as racial superiority causes an equal amount of suffering even to himself.

For racism is hatred; and hatred, self-evidently, is not a peaceful mental condition to be in. Racism is mental agony, a disease more acute than any bodily ailment. The white race in general and the Germanic peoples in particular continue with this degradation of human beings — and of themselves — at their own expense.

But nowhere is this self-consciousness of racial differences as acute as in the United States. This is perplexing because America is also the country in which science has made the most profound discoveries of the indivisibility of the human species.

In Origin and People of the Lake (both written with a white American called Roger Lewin), our own Richard Leakey repeatedly remarks that, although, externally, Homo sapiens is among the most raciated of all species, it is also, internally, probably the most homogeneous.

All evolutionary scientists I am familiar with — Dawkins, Dennett, Gould, Halacy, Morris, Sheppard, etc — affirm that raciation is good for a species because it makes it possible for it to put its survival eggs in many baskets (in case of an environmental holocaust).

This puts Barack Obama in a much better position than any “pedigree whites” or “pedigree blacks.” He is 50 per cent European and 50 per cent African. And, if he is conscious of this double heritage, he might serve America with a much keener sense of justice than any “pure Caucasian” or “pure Negro.”

Dawkins, then, is right in a double sense. It is the height of injustice to think of a person as “black” just because his blood is “tainted” with “black,” whereas, if “taint” is what it is, then his blood is equally tainted with “white,” in which case, he equally qualifies also as white.

The anthropologist Lionel Tiger — I learn from Dawkins — called it a “contamination metaphor.” It is perilous because it emphasises the inessential (external appearance) at the expense of the essential (the internal composition) of the individual, whatever his or her race may be.

In this way, the United States — a great country in every other way — has denied itself potentially excellent leadership for too long by putting a premium on such superficialities as race, sex and religion.

Related Article: From Home Squared to the US Senate: How Barack Obama Was Lost and Found

Philip OchiengAbout The Author: Philip Ochieng — is a Kenyan Luo, and an Editor with the Nation Media Group. Like Obama Senior, he too went to the US on the famous Tom Mboya Airlift of 1959 [when hundreds of Kenyan students were given scholarships to American universities]. He first met Obama Senior in Tom Mboya’s Nairobi office [Mboya was then the secretary general of the Kenya Federation of Labour]. Obama and Ochieng met up again on returning to Nairobi and remained drinking buddies for many years.

References

1. Obama is not BlackUnless the one-drop rule still applies, our president-elect is not black, writes Marie Arana.

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