From Publishers Weekly: Feagin’s voluminous, relentless book testifies to both the strengths and the flaws of applying a sociological approach to the intricate issues of racism in America. 从出版家周刊： feagin的篇幅，无情的图书证明了双方的优点和缺点的应用社会学的方法来错综复杂的问题，种族主义在美国。 Most social scientists, according to this sociologist at the University of Florida (White Racism, etc.) and president of the American Sociological Association, see racism “as something tacked on to an otherwise healthy American society.”多数社会科学家，根据这一社会学家，在佛罗里达大学（白种族主义等）和主席的美国社会学协会，见种族主义“ ，作为tacked对一个健康的，否则美国社会” 。

But Feagin contends that the system embeds racism at the core, from the Constitution to the legacy of slavery and segregation in retarding black economic advancement.但feagin争辩说，系统嵌入种族主义处于核心地位，从宪法遗留下来的奴役和隔离在延缓黑色经济的发展。 He argues aptly that color-blind ideology “provides a veneer of liberality” for those unwilling to recognize how race has shaped America, while those who lump blacks with white immigrant groups ignore the effects of racial discrimination.他辩称，正好颜色盲意识形态“提供了一个单板的liberality ”对于那些不愿意承认，如何种族已经形成美国，而那些谁整的黑人与白人移民群体忽略了种族歧视的影响。 But Feagin’s approach surely sacrifices complexity.但feagin的做法，当然牺牲的复杂性。

Are “racist pressures against interracial marriage” solely the product of white racism?是“种族主义的压力，对婚姻间的”纯粹的产品，白色种族主义？ If achievement tests are so biased toward the white middle class, then why do some Asian immigrants do well on them?如果成就测验是如此偏向白人中产阶层，那么为什么一些亚洲移民，做好对他们的呢？ Feagin calls for a large-scale educational campaign to move whites to confront “the reality of the pain that their system of racism has caused” and a new constitutional convention to incorporate “the group interests and rights of all Americans of color.” feagin呼吁建立一个大规模的教育活动提出白人对抗“现实的痛苦，他们的系统的种族主义造成了”和一个新的宪制公约，把“集团的利益和权利，所有美国人的颜色” 。

He also calls for individual and group reparations for blacks.他还呼吁，为个人和群体的赔偿黑人。 (But how exactly would a “black community” be determined?) Feagin doesn’t engage those who argue that class-based remedies may be better than race-based onesAanother flaw in a book full of strong yet poorly articulated arguments. （但究竟如何将一个“黑人社区”待定？ ） feagin不从事那些谁辩称，基于类的补救措施可能会优于基于种族onesaanother缺陷在一本书，充满了强烈的，但不善阐述的论点。

From Kirkus Reviews: A sometimes searing indictment of American racial practices. 从kirkus评语：有时searing起诉书中，美国的种族歧视的做法。

Sociologist Feagin (White Racism, not reviewed) traces the development of American racism to its roots in Europe.社会学家feagin （白种族主义，没有检讨）的痕迹的发展，美国种族主义的根源在欧洲。

Ideologically, race was not a major consideration in human endeavors until the beginning of the European slave trade in the 1400s, Feagin tells us.在思想上，种族不是一个主要的考虑因素，在人类奋斗，直到年初欧洲奴隶贸易，在1400 ， feagin告诉我们。 But some 300 years later, it had grown full-blown and become a major cornerstone of intellectual thought–dominated by such thinkers as Locke, Kant, and Hegel, and by the Frenchman Joseph Arthur de Gobineau.但大约300年后的今天，它已成长充分吹，并成为一个主要的基石，智力思想占主导地位，例如，作为思想家洛克，康德，黑格尔，和由法国人约瑟夫阿瑟德戈宾诺。 All of these harbored anti-black views to varying degrees, including the curious natural-law notion that blacks somehow were born to be slaves.所有这些包藏反黑色的意见，在不同程度上，包括好奇的自然法的概念，即黑人在某种程度上出生做奴隶。

Much of this 18th-century twaddle was absorbed by our Founding Fathers, especially by Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, and James Madison.大部分的18世纪twaddle是吸纳我们的开国元勋，特别是由托马斯杰斐逊，本杰明富兰克林，和詹姆斯麦迪逊。 Feagin also examines Reconstruction, the lynchings of the late–19th and early–20th centuries, the Civil Rights era, and the post–Civil Rights period. feagin还探讨了重建，私刑的迟交的第19和早期20世纪，公民权利的时代，与后公民权利的时期。

As we enter a point in the new millennium where the white population is beginning to shrink, Feagin points out that less than half the population of America’s four largest cities (New York, Los Angeles, Houston, and Chicago) is white.在我们进入一个点，在新的千年而白人人口开始萎缩， feagin指出，不到一半的人口是美国的4个最大的城市（纽约，洛杉矶，休斯顿，芝加哥）是白色。

This and other factors lead Feagin to call for an international view of civil rights (ie, one in which all are entitled to equal concern because all are human beings and not members of this or that state or tribe). Feagin, who is avowedly influenced by Franz Fanon and Kwame Ture (Stokely Carmichael), is at his overwrought best when he is in historical pursuit of the roots of racism.这和其他因素导致feagin要求一个有国际视野的公民权利（即，一，在人人有权享受平等的关注，因为都是人类，而不是成员，这个或那个国家或部落） 。 feagin ，谁是avowedly影响由弗朗兹法农和夸梅真（ stokely卡迈克尔） ，是在他的overwrought的最佳时，他是在追求历史的根源，种族主义。

Perhaps because it is something not readily fresh on the mind, it is a matter of more than idle curiosity what Benjamin Franklin and James Madison thought about whiteness.也许因为它是一件不容易对新鲜的头脑，这是一个多闲置的好奇心，什么本杰明富兰克林和詹姆斯麦迪逊思考白。

On the other hand, matters such as affirmative action and reparations are too widely discussed and familiar to make Feagin’s discussion of them very interesting or fresh.在另一方面，等事宜，平权行动和赔偿是太广泛讨论和熟悉，使feagin的讨论，他们非常有趣或新鲜粮食。

A useful study, even for those who are not guilt-ridden. 一个有用的研究，即使对那些谁不认罪四起。