The change was evident immediately after the man whose roots are in the village became the leader of the world’s most powerful nation, the United States of America.

   Kenya Power and Lighting Company workers connect the village of Kogelo to the mains on Thursday

   The President-Elects First Press Conference, Friday

Talking to Mr Barack Obama, according to his brother and family spokesperson, Mr Malik Abong’o was an ordinary affair before Thursday.

Everyone’s lips

“We spoke last night, he told us he was doing great. He was happy that we are fine. We congratulated him and wished him well in the new challenges that come with the presidency,” said the first born son of the Obama family.

Although grandmother Sarah Onyango Obama did not speak to the media on Thursday, all she could say to visitors who had come to congratulate her was “Nyasaye duong” (God is great).

And despite the rainy day and the muddy paths, the once sleepy village hosted thousands of visitors on Thursday, driven by a curiosity to see the roots of the man whose name is on everyone’s lips.

The world spotlight is firmly on the hitherto sleepy village because President-elect Obama’s late father, Mr Barack Obama Snr, was born here.

According to Luo customs, a child belongs to the father, hence the strong bonds of kinship to the American president-elect in Western Kenya.

A second bull and several goats and sheep were slaughtered on Thursday as celebrations entered the third night.

Bearing gifts

And one of Prime Minister Raila Odinga aides, Mr Samuel Aduol delivered five bulls from his boss with a congratulatory message that he (the PM) would be visiting soon.

Busloads of students and curious visitors from as far as Tanzania and Uganda drove to the village, with some bearing gifts for the family.

American nationals in Kenya also thronged the home in what they described as an encounter with the roots of the man who now holds the world’s destiny in his hands.

Although the Obama family said on Thursday that they would not like to be treated differently, the signs point to the fact that they are no longer simple villagers.

“We can no longer account for who is who in the home — people danced the night away and today’s holiday gave many an opportunity to come to the home,” said Mr Abong’o.

Before Wednesday, the road leading to the homestead was a bumpy path that was a driver’s nightmare whenever it rained. But by Thursday, it had miraculously been cleared and levelled.

Fresh coat of paint

Kenya Power and Lighting Company was expected to have connected electricity by Thursday night. This is a complete contrast to the situation when Mr Obama visited three years ago.

Then, Mama Sarah lived in a semi-permanent house which has since been rebuilt and is sparkling from a fresh coat of paint.

The compound, which was surrounded with indigenous shrubs, has since been fenced and boasts a police post manned 24 hours a day by eight officers.

The police were deployed to the home after thieves tried to steal the family’s solar panel.

Siaya District Commissioner Boaz Cherutich on Thursday said that security had been beefed up to cope with the influx of visitors.

The main road passing through the village to Bondo town, which was until last week no more than a dusty and bumpy path, has undergone major repairs in what Mr Abong’o last week said was just but a sign of things to come.

Not shed light

The family draws water from a well at the corner of the homestead but in the new scheme of things, this is likely to be a thing of the past.

The nearby Nyang’mo Kogelo secondary school acquired the name Senator Obama Secondary School soon after Mr Obama was elected to the US senate.

School officials could not shed light on whether the name would be changing to President Barack Obama High School.

The village has suddenly become the most well known in the Western Kenya region, if not in the world, as visitors come from near and far to see the home and the people from whose lineage came the first African-American president.

References:

1. Take a Bow, America — We still have two wars to deal with and a severe economic crisis. But we should not lose sight of the profound significance of this week.

Popularity: 3% [?]

By Murithi Mutiga
Wednesday, 5 November 2008

This is a bittersweet moment for Kenyans. There is considerable joy at the achievements of Mr Obama, who makes no secret of his East African heritage. But that pride is tempered by a measure of shame that he would have had a hard time attaining the highest office in the land of his father, simply because of his ethnic roots.

Barack Obama Senior belonged to the Luo community - one of Kenya’s most marginalised groups – and his son’s elevation to the White House has triggered a national debate on the invidious role of ethnicity in Kenyan political life.

Jaramogi Oginga Odinga (left) and Jomo Kenyatta

The Luos’ troubles go back to the post-independence period and a bitter falling out between Kenya’s first two political heavyweights president Jomo Kenyatta (a member of the country’s biggest ethnic group the Kikuyu) and his Vice President Jaramogi Odinga (a Luo), which resulted in a period of sustained political persecution of the Luo.

The differences that presaged the estrangement were partly ideological: Kenyatta favoured free market economics while Odinga was a supporter of the communist bloc. In truth, though, many historians put the dispute between the two erstwhile pre-independence allies down to a struggle for resources between the various ethnic elites.

The 1969 assassination of the charismatic Luo minister Tom Mboya - seen by many as a future president - served to harden the ethnic differences. It was Mboya who together with prominent African-American leaders and with the support of JFK organised the student airlifts that took Obama’s father to the US for his college studies. When Barack Senior returned home, he was confronted by the ugly realities of ethnic parochialism.

Those differences still haunt Kenya. Today, there is ample evidence that the persistent skewed allocation of state resources has led to stark inequalities that breed resentment in those regions that do not enjoy the favour of the presidency. Government figures show that a Kenyan born in Luoland today can expect to live 16 years less than one born in Kikuyuland.

These inequalities set the stage for the vicious fighting that rocked Kenya earlier this year after what was seen as rigging by the Kikuyu incumbent, Mwai Kibaki, to stave off the challenge of the opposition’s man Raila Odinga, a Luo.

   Kibaki (Foreground) and Raila Odinga (Son of Jaramogi Odinga)

But the election of Obama, a black man of Luo descent, in America could yet set the stage for a reversal of this approach. When the dust has settled on the vast expectations that Obama’s election has raised, many hope his lasting legacy in Kenya will be a realisation that one’s ethnic identity should not be the primary factor in deciding one’s eligibility to lead.

The writer is an editor with the Nation Media Group in Nairobi, Kenya

Popularity: 3% [?]

A McCain-Palin Hate-Meeting

Meanwhile Jerome Corsi, freshly deported from Kenya, where he went to promote his Smear-Book, The Obama Nation — is dipping his fingers up his butt-hole once again.

Report from Media Matters:

On Bill Cunningham’s radio show, Corsi touted dubious “documents” he claims will “prove” Obama “made a pact” with Raila Odinga — Kenya’s Prime Minister.

Jerome Corsi claimed on Bill Cunningham’s radio show that he “came out of Kenya” with “documents” proving that Sen. Barack Obama “made a pact with this radical leftist politician Raila Odinga who is perfectly happy to expand Islamic Sharia law in Kenya and have tribal violence to get power.”

But the only “documents” Corsi has thus far provided — purported emails listing the contact in his Senate office to work with Odinga — do not establish that Obama “made a pact” with Odinga, and they “appear not to have been written by a native English speaker,” as Politico’s Ben Smith noted.

Click Here To Read The FULL Report at Media Matters

———————————————

References:

1. John Lewis, Civil Rights Leader: McCain “Playing With Fire”

2. McCain stirs hate

Popularity: 7% [?]

Writes: CHARLES ONYANGO-OBBO

Kenya, and now Zimbabwe. Is power-sharing the panacea?

BOYS WILL ALWAYS BE BOYS. A few weeks ago, some male-dominated African lists on the Internet circulated the photos of Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe’s daughter Bona, and that of his opposition rival Morgan Tsvangirai’s, Rumbi (Zimbabweans have such wonderful names!)

Members were asked which one of them they thought was the more beautiful. Also, which one of the two they would like to marry.

I thought, knowing that most of the chaps that I knew on the lists were anti-Mugabe that Bona would lose.

However, when it comes to matters of women, most men will gladly leave politics at the door, so Bona got many admirers. In the end, it was very close.

   [Bona Mugabe (left) and Rumbi Tsvangirai][Click Pics To Enlarge]
Bona, as the daughter of a president, clearly was receiving the care of a well-paid beautician. She had a glossier look than Rumbi. Half the men, on the other hand, said Rumbi didn’t have Bona’s grim look (much like her father), and exuded more character.

Only one bloke, Thomas (not his real name) rose beyond the limited choices being offered, and said he would marry both! His position was slammed as unprincipled and weak, because he feared the responsibility of choice.

This seemingly frivolous Internet fun game, however, proves how unpredictable African politics can be, and demonstrated that what is ideal and “right” is not always the best and most practical.

Mugabe had sworn that he would never share power with Tsvangirai, after he lost the first round of elections and unleashed so much terror on Tsvangirai ahead of the second round, that the opposition had little choice but to pull out. This left Mugabe to run against himself, and claim a sham victory.

Zimbabwe just plunged further into crisis. Inflation rose to over 20 million per cent, and unemployment skyrocketed to 80 per cent.

As The Observer (London) reported in a long insightful piece, the central bank knocked 10 zeros off the Zimbabwe dollar at the beginning of August because shops and banks could not cope with calculations in the trillions.

When it was launched on August 1, the new dollar was Z$4 to the Pound, but on the black market, it immediately slumped to Z$25. It continued crashing dramatically, and within a month, the black market rate was Z$13,000.

With worthless bank notes, and too broke to print more, three weeks ago the Government announced that it would legalise the use of US dollars and South African Rand as everyday currency.

It would seem that shortly after, Mugabe finally realised that he had run out of wiggle room, and put in a call to South Africa President Thabo Mbeki, who had been mediating the power-sharing talks that seemed doomed to fail.

THE RESULT IS THAT ALL THE MEN who said they would marry Bona Mugabe, would now have a father-in-law with less power than he wielded two months ago.

Those who went for Rumbi Tsvangirai, expecting their father-in-law would be an opposition leader, who came close to becoming Zimbabwe’s president, but not close enough, would have one who is a prime minister and controlling about 51 per cent of the Government.

Thomas would be the greatest winner, with one father-in-law being president, and the other prime minister. It couldn’t be better. However, his fortunes have been scorned.

Daily Nation’s sister publication The East African had South African judge Johann Kriegler, who is heading the commission of inquiry into what went wrong in the December 2007 election, saying he thought these Mwai Kibaki-Raila Odinga, and now Mugabe-Tsvangirai power-sharing deals were undermining Africa’s democracy.

He argued that they offered presidents, who are not ready to retire when their time has come, or who have lost elections, to cling on to power. Within a day, there were many such reservations being aired about the Zimbabwe deal.

Kriegler’s view is particularly interesting, because he should be aware of what is touted as the most successful power-sharing deal in Africa — the transitional government between the African Nation Congress’ leader Nelson Mandela, and F. W. de Klerk, who was president and leader of the racist National Party that had jailed him for 27 years.

This is not to say there are no problems with governments where power is shared.

Because there can never be two winners in an election contest, they reward losers and turn the logic of elections — the idea that the person or party that is preferred by most voters should form government — on its head.

And while power-sharing might give unpopular incumbents a way back into power through a back door, they can also equally hand disorganised opposition groups a slice of power that they were denied at polls.

On balance, if Kenya’s example is anything to go by, the competition between coalition partners for the affection of the public seems to be the greatest incentive for performance there is.

And because they are wooing voters, each of the sides is eager to be seen as more enlightened than the other, and therefore tends to avoid being repressive. The result is that Kenya is probably freer today, than the previous time when it had been freest — the first years of Kibaki 2003-2007.

About The Author: Charles Onyango-Obbo is Uganda’s leading political commentator. He is Nation Media Group’s managing editor for convergence and new products. Charles writes for The Monitor, Uganda’s only independent daily and most influential newspaper and The East African, a NationMedia publication. Be sure to check out his Article Archive featuring hundreds of Charles’s greatest publications…..Click Here To Read More Articles By Onyango-Obbo

Popularity: 8% [?]

A Greedy Caste of THUGS: Kenyan members of parliament, ministers and assistant ministers earn upto $120,000 a year — in a country where the majority live on a dollar a day

Opposition leader Raila Odinga, left, was named Kenya’s prime minister in a power-sharing arrangement announced in April by President Mwai Kibaki.

Nearly eight months after a wave of post-election violence brought one of East Africa’s most stable democracies to the brink of collapse, it is almost as if there had been no crisis. And that is what troubles some Kenyans the most.

“My biggest worry is that it’s business as usual,” said Bethuel Kiplagat, a retired diplomat who helped form the group Concerned Citizens for Peace during the violence. “My fear is that the deeper causes are not being addressed.”

Kiplagat, the former diplomat, said that although grass-roots efforts have begun the reconciliation process, more attention needs to be paid to changing the ethnically based political system that sparked the crisis. That includes adopting a new constitution, possibly one that redraws the electoral map to break some of the largest ethnic voting blocs and devolve power to a more local level, he said.

Some observers say the compromise has played out only superficially, as members of the political elite have returned to petty backroom machinations at the expense of a country still divided by the crisis.

“There has been a lot of childishness,” said Gitau Warigi, a political columnist with the Daily Nation newspaper. “But underneath there are major structural problems with how the top offices are relating to each other.” …[ more ]

VIP Turf War — An example of the childishness

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