By Khamati Shilabukha由khamati shilabukha

In the past few years, there have been efforts to re-position Africa in the globalising world to take care of relationships among its states and the rest of the world.在过去几年中，已在努力，以重新定位，非洲国家在全球化的世界，以照顾之间的关系，其国和世界其余地区。

The association of African states was restructured from the Organisation of African Unity, to the African Union.该协会的非洲国家的改组从非洲统一组织，非洲联盟。 Many would argue that this is merely a change in name and not in the character of the organisation.很多人认为这只是一个名称的改变，而不是性质的组织。

Proponents of the “new” outfit argue that it is meant to generate a new awareness of who we are.倡议者， “新”装备认为，就是要产生一个新的认识，我们是谁。 Many also hold the view that Africans are too divided to evolve into a meaningful regional identity.许多人还认为，非洲人过于分歧演变为一个有意义的区域形象。

This argument stems from the myriad conflict situations in the continent.这种说法源于无数的冲突局势在非洲大陆。 The conflicts are both intra-national and international, with the former more prevalent.冲突都是内部的国家和国际，与前更为普遍。

Intra-national conflicts are often the result of internal (political/economic) power squabbles.内部的民族冲突，往往是因内部（政治/经济）权力的争吵。 Sierra Leone, Liberia, DRC, Rwanda, Madagascar, Central Africa Republic, Algeria, Ivory Coast and Kenya are some examples of countries that have experienced such conflicts.塞拉利昂，利比里亚，刚果民主共和国，卢旺达，马达加斯加，中部非洲共和国，阿尔及利亚，象牙海岸和肯尼亚都是一些例子，国家经历了这种冲突。 They have all received adequate media coverage.他们都获得足够的媒体报道。 But the other genre of conflict has not received the same kind of coverage, yet it is crucial in the pursuit of a global and modern Africa.但其他类型的冲突并没有收到相同的种覆盖，但它是非常重要的在追求一个全球性和现代非洲。

This conflict derives from all forms of discrimination including racism and xenophobia.这场冲突源于一切形式的歧视，包括种族主义和仇外心理。 It is vicious and has gone on for some time.这是恶性，并已进行了一段时间的。 These forms of discrimination are serious, and efforts have been made to put them on the global agenda.这些形式的歧视，严重的，并已作出努力把他们在全球议程上。

The most appropriate example is the current attacks on foreigners in South Africa.最适当的例子是，目前的攻击，对外国人在南非举行。 The question that begs answers is, why at this time in Africa?议题是不敢苟同的答案是，为什么在这个时候是在非洲吗？ All sectors of a society have an obligation to contribute to the resolution of this conflict.各阶层的一个社会都有义务有助于解决这一冲突。 We need to examine the extent to which as leaders, scholars and policy makers, we can intervene in this scourge called xenophobia.我们需要研究在何种程度上作为领导人，学者和决策者，我们可以进行干预，在这一祸害所谓的仇外心理。

It is argued that xenophobia is a result of poor intercultural communication.有人争辩说，仇外心理是一个结果，穷人跨文化交际。 Members of one culture do not understand, appreciate and accommodate those from another culture.成员之一的文化并不了解，欣赏和容纳那些从另一种文化。 They lack adequate information to deal with such people with the least stress and threat.他们缺乏足够的信息来处理这类的人，至少压力和威胁。

But acquiring such information does not come easy and the poor management of communication often leads to strife.但获取这些资料并不容易，以及管理不善沟通，往往导致内乱。 This could be the case in South Africa.这可能是此案在南非举行。 One major source of information that allows us a wide world view and a more holistic perception and appreciation of others is the mass media.其中一个主要的资料来源，使我们广泛的世界观和更全面的认知和欣赏别人的是大众传媒。 But the mass media, as inanimate objects, cannot do anything.但大众传媒，作为无生命的物体，不能做任何事情。 It is those who use and manipulate them that can make the difference.这是那些谁使用和操纵他们，可以使差异。

Xenophobia is a global problem. Although the phenomenon is ubiquitous in contemporary societies, its targets vary across countries and nations. 仇外心理是一个全球性问题，虽然是普遍存在的现象，在当代社会，其目标也是不同的国家和民族。 It is such that even those who have been a subject of hate also develop hatred for others.它是如此，即使是那些谁一直受到仇恨，也发展仇恨别人。 But how does this hatred come about?但如何，这是否仇恨来呢？ Anthropologists and other social scientists posit that a population composed mainly of foreigners is an environment in which xenophobia can easily thrive.人类学家和其它社会科学家posit一个人口组成的，主要是外国人，是一种环境，使仇外心理可以轻松地蓬勃发展。

They distinguish three theoretical approaches to the rise and diffusion of hatred.他们区分三个理论方法的兴起和扩散的仇恨。 The first relates to socio-economic status of individuals, the second pertains to their cultural identity and the third the general attributes of society.第一个问题涉及社会经济地位的个人，第二是属于他们的文化身份和第三次的一般属性的社会。

Source of hatred 来源仇恨

The first approach derives from the “power theory” – a paradigm that views the relationship between groups as a function of their competitive positions.第一种方法源自“权力理论” -一个范式的意见之间的关系，群体作为一个功能他们的竞争地位。 This concept suggests that a threat of one particular group to another is a source of hatred.这个概念表明的威胁，特别是一组到另一个是一个来源的仇恨。 When people feel insecure in the face of threat, they portray resentment and hate.当人们感到不安，在面对威胁，他们塑造的不满和仇恨。 But here, the intensity of hate need not necessarily depend on real competition on the job market but on the perception of threat.但在这里，强度仇恨不一定需要依赖于真正的竞争，对就业市场，但对观感的威胁。 This is sufficient ground to induce animosity.这是足够理由促使敌对情绪。 Much of this is absent in the South African situation.大部分的缺席，这是在南非的情况。

The cultural symbolic approach holds that animosity towards the other is not a consequence of economic competition between rival groups.文化象征的做法，认为敌视另一种是没有后果的经济竞争之间的对立集团。 It is a product of early political and value socialisation.是一种产品，它早期的政治和社交价值。 The main issue here is the fear of loss of social status and identity.主要问题是这里的恐惧，丧失社会地位和身份。

Thus, cultural differences among people could be responsible for conflicts and hatred.因此，文化差异，人与人之间可以负责的冲突和仇恨。 In this approach, it can be explained that people would prefer to be surrounded by their own kind rather than be exposed to “strangers”.在此方法中，它可以解释说，人们宁愿被包围，由他们自己的一种，而不是被暴露在“陌生人” 。 Defining a group of people as “un-belonging” to the national “we” deprives them of the right to belong.确定了一批人，作为“联合国属于”国家“我们” ，剥夺了他们的权利属于。 Much of this is also absent in South Africa.很多，这也是缺席在南非举行。

The third approach, termed phenomenology, attributes xenophobia not to economic strains or cultural divergence but to general attributes of society.第三种做法，被称为现象学，属性仇外心理的不经济株或文化的分歧，但一般属性的社会。 When society experiences deep crises, which occur intermittently, anomic tensions encroach upon social postures.当社会的经验，深刻危机，这些危机发生间歇性， anomic的紧张局势，侵犯社会的姿态。

This leads to a crisis of collective identity “so that the calm self-certainty which might enable unproblematic relations with the minorities gets lost”.这导致的危机，集体认同“ ，使平静的自我肯定，这可能使不成问题的关系与少数获得迷失” 。 Under this approach, xenophobia is interpreted as a way of reassuring the national self and its boundaries, as an attempt at making sense of the world in times of crisis.根据这一办法，仇外心理是解释为一种令人安心的民族自决和在其境内，作为一个企图在决策的责任感，世界在发生危机的时候。 This could be happening to indigenous South Africans.这可能是发生在南非土著。

To start with, the impeding fallout between President Thabo Mbeki and Africa National Congress (ANC) leader Jacob Zuma could be disillusioning to many ordinary citizens of African descent.首先，阻碍尘之间的总统姆贝基和非洲国民大会（非国大）领袖祖马可失望的许多普通公民，非洲人后裔。

Many of them subscribe to ANC with a passion yet they find themselves on the sidelines when major party decisions are being made.他们中的许多订阅非国大与激情，但他们发现自己就在一旁当党的决定，主要是正在取得进展。 At the same time, they have not benefited from the economic prosperity of their country.在同一时间内，他们并没有受益于经济繁荣，他们的国家。

Many South Africans still live in squalid conditions and the dream of land reform has turned into a pipe dream.许多南非人仍生活在肮脏的条件和梦想的土地，改革变成了梦想。 These issues run so deep in their collective psyche that they need reassurance of economic and social survival.这些问题来说，如此之深，在他们的集体心理，他们需要得到保证经济和社会的生存。 But they are directing their anger at the wrong enemy.但他们指挥他们的愤怒在错误的敌人。

Many of the low class Zimbabweans, Malawians, Zambians and nationals of other countries are escaping economic hardship and political violence which South Africa has refused to acknowledge as a problem, especially in Zimbabwe.许多低阶层的津巴布韦，马拉维，赞比亚和其他国家的国民是摆脱经济困境和政治暴力，南非拒不承认一个问题，尤其是在津巴布韦。

They should commit themselves to assisting them to the best of their capacity.他们应承诺，以协助他们尽其能力。 And this applies to other countries with a chance to host other Africans in need of refuge and sanctuary.这适用于其他国家的一个机会，主办的其他非洲人有需要的避难所和庇护所。

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In 1991, A prominent African leader stood up against injustice in a neighbouring land.在1991年，一个突出的非洲领导人站起来，反对非正义的在邻国的土地。 “The cry for freedom, as well as the cry for justice, stops at no border,” he declared. “的呼声，为自由，以及为正义的呼声，停止在没有边界， ”他宣称。

That leader was Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe.该领导人是津巴布韦的穆加贝总统。 He was speaking in Harare, opening the Commonwealth meeting that would decide to begin lifting the people-to-people sanctions that had been imposed against South Africa.他是在哈拉雷开幕的英联邦会议将决定开始解除人民对人民的制裁，已对南非。

“As you stand on Zimbabwean soil,” President Mugabe said, “only a stone’s throw away from South Africa, the world expects us to spare no effort in helping to achieve an outcome there which will bring comfort to the oppressed people of South Africa.” “如你的立场，津巴布韦土壤， ”总统穆加贝说， “只有一箭之遥扔掉来自南非，世界期望我们不遗余力地在帮助实现的结果，有哪些会带来舒适的受压迫人民南非洲“ 。

It is now well past time that South Africa returned the favour.这是现在以及过去的时间，南非归还赞成。 Quiet diplomacy is dead.静悄悄的外交是死亡。 One of Africa’s brightest hopes has turned into the continent’s most dismal failures.一对非洲最闪亮的希望已变成大陆的最令人沮丧的失败。 In an era in which our continent is meant to be embarking on an African Renaissance, Zimbabwe is both an obstacle and an embarrassment.在一个时代，在我们大陆是要着手对非洲的复兴，津巴布韦，既是一个障碍和尴尬。

President Thabo Mbeki’s policy of “quiet diplomacy” in Zimbabwe has finally been denounced as a disaster by world leaders.总统姆贝基的政策是“静悄悄的外交”在津巴布韦终于被谴责，作为一个灾难世界各国领导人。 The criticism has extended beyond muted signs of displeasure to condemnation.批评已超出了静音的迹象不满，谴责。

Senior ANC leaders have urged Mr Mbeki to alter his stance, while MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai has expressed a desire for South Africa to be replaced as mediator in the crisis.非国大高级领导人已促请议员，姆贝基总统改变他的立场，而民运领导人摩根茨万吉拉伊表达了渴望，南非，以取代作为调停人的危机。

It is worth examining what effects this policy, which has led Mr Mbeki to claim there is no electoral crisis in Zimbabwe, has had on the country.这是值得研究有什么影响这项政策，已导致议员，姆贝基要求是没有选举危机在津巴布韦，已在该国。

Zimbabwe, once one of the healthiest economies in Africa, has been plunged into a crisis that worsens every day.津巴布韦，一旦其中一个最健康的经济体在非洲，已经陷入了危机的恶化每一天。 Inflation stands at over 100,000 per cent, and is predicted to hit the 1.5 million per cent mark by the end of the year.通货膨胀率维持在超过十万％ ，预计将达到150万％ ，马克由今年年底完成。

Its healthcare system has failed, with many children orphaned by an Aids crisis, which Mr Mbeki refuses to take seriously.其医疗制度已经失败，许多儿童成为孤儿，由一个艾滋病危机，议员，姆贝基总统拒绝认真考虑。 Political violence, intimidation and corruption remain endemic.政治暴力，恐吓和腐败仍然是风土病。 None of this has been ameliorated by South Africa’s diplomatic efforts.没有这一点已得到改善，由南非的外交努力。

This policy has resulted in strengthening Dr. Mugabe’s regime and other countries’ desire to effectively address the plight of the Zimbabwean people.这项政策已导致在加强博士穆加比的政权和其他国家的愿望，要有效地解决困境的津巴布韦人民。

By indulging Mugabe’s insistence that the criticisms levelled against him are part of a neo-colonial plot, President Mbeki has granted the man a legitimacy that he would not otherwise have.由沉迷穆加比的坚持的批评，对他是一个组成部分，新殖民主义的阴谋，姆贝基总统已决定给予该名男子合法性表示，他不会，否则有。

It is never quite clear to anyone precisely what quiet diplomacy is meant to accomplish.它从来不是很清楚，任何人正是静悄悄的外交就是要完成。 Is it supposed to bring about a fresh round of elections — free and fair this time round?它是假定带来了新一轮的选举-自由和公平的，这一轮的时间呢？ Is it meant to bring about a transfer of power to the MDC or within a “reformed” Zanu-PF?它的意思是要带来一个权力移交给该委员会或内部的“改革”民盟？ Is it meant to bring about some kind of government of national unity?它的意思是要实现某种形式的民族团结政府？

South Africa’s treatment OF Zimbabwe’s opposition has been shameful.南非的治疗津巴布韦的反对派一直可耻的。 President Mbeki’s public embraces of Mugabe and his Zanu-PF cronies contrasts sharply with his studied avoidance of Mr Tsvangirai.姆贝基总统的公开拥抱的穆加比和他的民盟的亲信形成鲜明对比，与他的研究，避免议员崔凡吉莱。

The ANC’s unswerving loyalty to its fellow liberation government has undermined any claim it might have wished to make as to the even-handedness of its approach.非国大的始终不渝忠于其研究员解放政府，破坏了任何索赔可能有希望，使以更霸道的做法。 This, of course, reflects the ANC’s attitude towards political opposition more generally.当然，这反映了非国大的态度，政治上的反对派更普遍。

The tragedy has been that it is in the interest of all to stand firm in condemnation of the actions of the Zimbabwean government.悲剧已，这是在所有人的利益要立场坚定，在谴责的行动，津巴布韦政府。 It lacks the economic and military clout to seriously threaten its international critics.它缺乏经济和军事影响力，以严重威胁到它的国际批评。

There is everything to gain in pragmatic terms by supporting reform in a country that has demonstrated such economic potential, and a moral mandate to criticise Mugabe’s corrupt despotism.有，一切为了争取在务实的条款，支持改革的国家，已证明这种经济潜力，和道德的任务批评穆加比的腐败专制。

A far better response would have been the more robust one.远更好的反应，将已更强大的一个。 Standing up to the Zimbabwe government would have limited their ability to manoeuvre diplomatically and politically, making it harder for them to acquiesce in the current crisis.站起来向津巴布韦政府将有限的能力，运用外交和政治，很难让他们默许在目前的危机。

Had South Africa been firmer from the outset in dealing with the regime and challenging its actions, it might have been able to limit the machinations of Zanu-PF and the generals now lining up to try and succeed Mugabe.曾南非一直坚挺，从一开始在处理与政权和具有挑战性的其行动，它可能已经能够限制阴谋诡计的民盟和将领，现在排队尝试并取得成功穆加贝。

A tough stance that refused to indulge Mugabe’s delusions might not wake him up to reality, but his isolation would afford him less political protection than he currently has.强硬立场拒绝沉迷穆加比的幻想可能无法叫醒他，以现实，但他的孤立将负担不起他的政治性较低的保护比他目前有。

This is not to advocate a US-style hawkish diplomacy against Zimbabwe.这并不是主张美国式的强硬外交对津巴布韦。 That would be entirely inappropriate for the situation and the country, and would have a very dubious prospect of success.这将是完全不适当的情况和国家，并会有一个非常可疑的前景，取得圆满成功。

Rather, to stand up to Zimbabwe would involve stronger words supported by resolute action, a refusal to indulge Mugabe’s fantasies, and joining the rest of the world in the sanctions they have placed on the regime.相反，站起来，津巴布韦将涉及更强的话支持的果断行动，拒绝沉迷穆加比的幻想，和加入世界其余地区在制裁他们放置于制度。

The world currently awaits the results of this most contentious of Zimbabwean elections.世界上目前正在等待结果，这最有争议的津巴布韦选举。 A change of stance from President Mbeki might go miles in delivering a resolution. 1改变立场，从姆贝基总统可能去英里，在提供了一项决议。 Let’s hope it’s not too late.让我们希望它不是为时已晚。

The South African government should tell Mugabe that the human rights abuses, police brutality, arbitrary arrests and beatings of opposition politicians have to stop.南非政府应该告诉穆加贝说，侵犯人权，警察残暴，任意逮捕和殴打的反对派政治家必须停止。 These actions should remind South Africans of the worst days of apartheid.这些行动应该提醒南非的最严重的天的种族隔离。

About The Author: Donald Mogeni — 关于作者： 唐纳德mogeni -

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Poet Aime Cesaire 诗人玛奈克瑟塞尔
Poet诗人 Aime Cesaire of Martinique passed away last week. 玛奈克瑟塞尔的马提尼克岛去世上周。 He was an iconic co-founder of Black consciousness, long before他是一个标志性的共同创始人黑色意识，早 Steve Biko . 史蒂夫biko 。

Surprisingly, of all the non-French speaking African heads of state, only South Africa’s奇怪的是，所有非讲法语的非洲国家元首中，只有南非的 Thabo Mbeki sent a message of condolences to the Cesaire family. 塔博姆贝基发出了一个信息的哀悼，向瑟塞尔家庭。

Why the silence? 为何沉默？

In the realm of ideas, Mbeki has been particularly adept at provoking public debates.在境界的思想，姆贝基总统已特别善于挑起的公开辩论。 He did so in 1996 when, as the country’s vice president, he stood before the South African Parliament and proclaimed: “ I am an African “.他这样做是在1996年时，作为国家的副总统，他站在前，南非议会并宣布： “ 我是非洲 ” 。 Shortly thereafter, he launched an equally vibrant discourse on African Renaissance.此后不久，他发起了一项同样充满活力的话语对非洲的复兴。 Two years ago, he raised issues relating to Afrocentricism.两年前，他提出的有关问题afrocentricism 。 It dominated public interest for months.它主导的公共利益为个月。

It would have been ridiculous for any other African president to stand before his Parliament and declare to be African.它将已荒谬的任何其他非洲总统的立场之前，他的议会，并宣布将非洲。

In White-ruled SA, however, indoctrination against Africa was so thorough that countless Black South Africans believed that Africanness was something to be scorned.在白色统治股份有限公司，不过，灌输对非洲是如此彻底，无数南非黑人认为， africanness有些被鄙视。 Even after political liberation, it was necessary to keep reminding them that they were indeed Africans – that South Africa is part of Africa.即使在政治解放，有必要不断提醒他们，他们的确是非洲人-，南非是非洲的一部分。 Hence the imperative for Mbeki’s proclamation: “I am an African”.因此，有必要为姆贝基总统的宣布： “我是非洲” 。

Evidently, it was part of Mbeki’s unwritten job description to confront the arrogance of Eurocentricism by affirming the validity of Africanness.很明显，这是一部分，姆贝基总统的不成文的职位描述对抗的嚣张气焰， eurocentricism申明的有效性africanness 。 This preoccupation thrust him into the world of ideas regarding African identity.这关注的重点，他融入世界的想法关于非洲的身份。 In this course, it was inevitable to encounter the ideas of Cesaire, hence, Mbeki’s affection for the great poet.在这一过程中，这是无可避免的会遇到的思想瑟塞尔因此，姆贝基总统的感情，为伟大的诗人。

In context of colonialism, English-speaking global Africa was dominated by political means. 在上下文中的殖民主义，以英语为母语的非洲是全球主导的政治手段。

British form of colonialism involved actual control, direct or indirect.英国的殖民主义形式所涉及的实际控制，直接或间接的。 This systems denigrated Africans, it was perceived as racist and English-speaking Africans transformed their anti-racist sentiments into political movements that revolted and brought about independence to Africa.这个系统的诋毁非洲人，它被视为种族主义和以英语为母语的非洲人转化为他们的反种族主义情绪，演变成政治运动，反抗和独立所带来的非洲。

Conversely, the French colonial policy was based on assumption of French cultural superiority.相反，法国殖民政策是基于假设，法国文化的优越性。 Black French colonies responded culturally by questioning the cultural condescension of assimilation.黑色法国殖民地文化回应质疑condescension文化的同化。 To challenge the arrogance, they embarked upon romanticising blackness and its attributes.挑战的嚣张气焰，他们开始romanticising黑和它的属性。

It was at the early stages of this process that Cesaire coined the term negritude.这是在早期阶段，这个过程中瑟塞尔创造的任期negritude 。 Leopold Senghor, Senegal’s founding-president, later expanded the view intellectually and popularised it.利奥波德桑戈尔，塞内加尔的开国总统，后来又扩展的看法，智力和广为流行。

Assimilated Black French-speaking intellectuals in France in the 1930s encouraged themselves to ask, are we really French?同化黑色讲法语的知识分子在法国于20世纪30年代鼓励自己要问，我们是否真的法语？ The answer was clear: “We have never been French, we are not French and we shall never be French”.答案是明确的： “我们从来没有法语，我们是不是法国人，我们永远不得法语” 。

While at first they had been so proud to be assimilated, they now declared war on the same assimilation policy.而在第一，他们一直引以为傲的被同化，他们现在的宣战就同一同化政策。 By the late 1950s, they were demanding political independence from France in order to safeguard their culture, their negritude.由50年代后期起，他们要求政治独立，由法国，为了维护他们的文化，他们的negritude 。

The bid to enhance Africa as a maker of history, Afro-centricity, has taken two forms.申办，以加强非洲作为一个制造商的历史，非洲裔为中心，采取了两种形式。 The first is Gloriana Afro-centricity that emphasises the great and proud accomplishments of people of African ancestry.首先是gloriana非裔为中心强调指出，伟大和自豪的成绩，人民的非裔。 These embrace castle builders, those who built the walls of Zimbabwe or the castles of Gondar in India or the sunken churches of Lalibela in Ethiopia; many would include those who built the pyramids of Egypt as well.这些怀抱青山的建设者，这些是谁的墙壁，津巴布韦或城堡贡德尔在印度或沉没的教堂在埃塞俄比亚拉利贝拉;很多人会包括那些谁建造了金字塔的埃及，以及。

The other is Proletariana Afro-centricity that emphasises the sweat of Africa’s brow, the captured African as a co-builder of modern civilisation - the enslaved as creator, the slave as innovator.另一种是proletariana非裔为中心认为，强调的汗水非洲的眉，被抓获的非洲作为一个合作的建设者现代文明-被奴役，作为创作者，作为奴隶的革新者。 Slaves helped build the industrial revolution in the western world and fuelled capitalist transformation of the northern hemisphere.奴隶，帮助建立了工业革命在西方世界和燃料的资本主义转型的北半球。

What about the colonised peoples, as victims and builders of the industrialised modern world?对于殖民地的人民，作为受害者和建设者的工业化现代世界呢？ African resources have been used for factories that have transformed the contemporary world.非洲的资源，已用于工厂已转型，当代世界。 Without those resources today’s global economy would be vastly different.如果没有这些资源，当今的全球经济将大不相同。

Negritude is a kind of proletarian Afro-centricity, at least when it indulges in romantic primitivism. negritude是一种无产阶级非裔为中心，至少时， indulges在浪漫的原始。 Negritude salutes the African cattle herder not the African castle builder. negritude致敬非洲牛赫尔德没有非洲城堡建设者。 To that extent, it is part of Afro-centricity Proletariana.在这方面，这是一部分非洲人为中心proletariana 。

About The Author(s): Ali Mazrui and James N Kariuki — Prof. Ali Mazrui is Chancellor of 关于作者（ ） ： 阿里mazrui和詹姆斯n kariuki -教授阿里m azrui是校长的 Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture , Kenya.乔莫肯雅塔农业大学，肯尼亚。 James N. Kariuki is head of the African Diaspora Unit at the詹姆斯12月31日kariuki主管非洲人散居单位在 Africa Institute of South Africa非洲研究所南非 in Pretoria.在比勒陀利亚。

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Introduction 导言

Africa’s rise to prominence in the geopolitics of the 21st century is explained largely by the renewal of great power interest in the region of the world once dismissed as the “forgotten continent.” This great power concern reproduces the same power-play which is reminiscent of the Cold War when inter-locking and overlapping interests of great powers significantly shaped the outlook of international politics.非洲的崛起，突出了在地缘政治的二十一世纪将是解释，主要是由重建大国的利益，在世界各地区曾一度被视为“遗忘的大陆” ，这大国的关注抄录了同样的权力-这是发挥想起冷战时，跨锁定和重叠的利益的大国，形成了显着的面貌，国际政治。 The end of the Cold War and the subsequent demise of the Soviet Union gave rise to a new environment which President George HW Bush called a “New World Order” in 1990.冷战结束战争和随后的消亡，苏联产生了一个新的环境，总统老布什所谓的“世界新秩序”在1990年。 This new World Order or globalization as it came to be called, saw the expansion of capitalism across regional and continental boundaries at the expense of its reeling rival, communism.这个新的世界秩序或全球化，因为它来到被称为，看到了资本主义的扩张跨越区域和大陆的分界不惜牺牲其缫丝的竞争对手，共产主义。

Barely a decade after President Bush’s ordination of a new global environment, another world order was gradually emerging.仅仅十年后，布什总统的统筹一个新的全球环境，另一个的世界秩序正在逐步形成。 This “Third World Order” as it has also been named, is championed by a rising eastern giant, China.这“第三条的世界秩序” ，因为它也被命名，这是倡导的上升东区巨人，中国。 The unprecedented rise of China as an economic power capable of steering the course of the global economy provides a credible alternative to the western-driven concept of globalization.前所未有的中国的崛起成为一个经济强国，有能力的督导过程中，全球经济提供了一个可信的替代西方主导的全球化的概念。 The imagined rivalry between these two power blocs is the concern of this article.该想象之争这两个大国集团是关注的这篇文章。

In the course of expending its economic and political power, China has embraced Africa in an economic alliance which is proving to be worrisome to the West.在这个过程中花费其经济和政治权力，中国拥抱非洲在经济联盟的证明是令人担忧的向西方。 Africa on its part, hit by the pressures of globalization and frustration following several centuries of unrewarding ties with the West has been more than enthusiastic in courting with China.非洲就其一部分，受全球化的压力和挫折感以下几个世纪的吃力不讨好的关系，与西方已超过热衷于讨好中国。 This Sino-African alliance is at the core of the “Third World Order” which China is today leading.这是中非联盟的核心是“第三个世界秩序” ，这是中国今天的领导。 The impact of this alliance is conjured in the words of William Wallis.的影响，这个联盟是conjured在的话，威廉沃利斯。 “The contours of a new order are still being drawn, but China’s growing stake in the continent has already shaken up an old and fraying one dominated by cautious western donors and former colonial powers” “轮廓一种新的秩序仍然是正在制定的，但中国日益增长的股权，在大陆已动摇了1岁和1磨损为主的谨慎西方捐助者和前殖民国家”

Prelude to the “Third World Order” 前奏的“第三条的世界秩序”

Modern Sino-African cooperation or the “Third World Order,” is the full-blown stage of a relationship that traces its history as far beak as the 10th century and beyond.现代中非合作或“第三的世界秩序” ，这是充分吹阶段，这种关系的痕迹，它的历史，据嘴作为10世纪和以后。 To fast forward this story, the most convenient and agreeable point from which to pick up an analysis of this relationship is the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949.快速向前这个故事，最方便和同意，这点从回升的分析，这种关系是成立的中国人民共和国于1949年。 This period which was largely characterized by the politics of the Cold War, saw the young communist China struggling against the odds of western capitalist domination.此期间，这主要特点是政治的冷战，看到年轻的中国共产主义作斗争的几率西方资本主义的统治。 The shared historical, economic and cultural experiences between China and Africa marked the beginning of what Chairman Mao Ze Dong called a “Third World alliance” against western oppression.共同的历史，经济和文化之间的经验，中国和非洲标志着什么主席毛泽东称为“第三次世界联盟”对西方的压迫。

As China and Russia struggled to battle against the forces of capitalism in the Cold War, Africa became a theatre for this fray.作为中国和俄罗斯的挣扎对抗的力量，资本主义在冷战时期，非洲成为一个剧院为这个行列。 The resultant “proxy wars” in the continent provided an opportunity for China and Russia to extend military assistance to anti-colonial forces throughout Africa.由此产生的“代理人战争”在非洲大陆提供了一个机会，为中国和俄罗斯扩大军事援助，以反殖民势力在整个非洲。 During this period of massive Sino-Soviet military assistance to Africa, economic considerations were minimal.在此期间，大量的中苏联的军事力量对非洲的援助，经济上的考虑甚微。 The relationship was shaped largely by ideological and strategic imperatives which were the defining features of the Cold War.关系形成的，主要是由思想和战略的必要性，其中界定的特点冷战。

China gained another significant edge in Africa following disputes with Russia over the leadership of the communist world and differences over the international orientation of communism.中国取得的又一重大优势，在非洲的下列纠纷，与俄罗斯领导的共产主义世界和分歧，国际共产主义的前进方向。 The Sino-Soviet split as this difference came to be known, gave China considerable leverage to carve out its own “sphere of influence” in Africa.中苏分裂，因为这种差异后来被称为了中国相当大的杠杆作用，以开拓自己的“势力范围”是在非洲。 A practical manifestation of this Sino-Soviet gulf was seen in the nature of assistance given to the liberation forces in Zimbabwe in the 1970s.一个实际的表现，这中苏关系海湾被认为是在援助的性质考虑到解放力量在津巴布韦在20世纪70年代。 While China offered training to Zimbabwean guerillas in the manner of a People’s army, Russia did it in the light of a regular army.而中国所提供的训练津巴布韦游击队在该地一个人民的军队，俄罗斯没有在根据正规军。 This difference not withstanding, the bottom line remained the struggle against western oppression of what China saw as “the masses of the third world.” In this military connection, Soviet arm sales to Africa rose from US $150 billion in the 1960s to US $2.5 billion in the 1970s.这种差异不顶住，底线仍是斗争的西方压迫的中国看到了什么是“群众的第三次世界”在此军事方面，苏联武装销售到非洲上升到1500亿美元，在20世纪60年代到25亿美元在20世纪70年代。 China on her part, sold $142 billon worth of military equipment to Africa between 1955 and 1977中国对她的一部分，出售一四二美元亿元的军事装备，非洲之间的1955年和1977年

Besides the Sino-soviet split, China reaped considerable diplomatic gains in Africa with the waning of Moscow’s influence due largely to the growing dissention within the Russian empire.除了中苏关系的分裂，中国外交取得了相当大的收益在非洲与减弱莫斯科的影响力，主要原因是越来越多dissention与俄罗斯帝国。 When Russia ceased to exert any significant influence in Africa, this vacuum was immediately filled by China.当俄罗斯不再施加任何重大影响，在非洲，这一真空，立即填补中国。 This diplomatic triumph was followed up on three major fronts-economic, diplomatic and technical.这是外交的胜利，随访3个主要方面-经济，外交和技术。 Sustained dialogue through an unbroken chain of visits by Chinese officials to Africa has remained the strong point of China’s diplomatic offensive.持续的对话，透过一个完整的链条访问中国官员到非洲仍然是强烈的一点中国的外交攻势。 Way back in the 1960s, Premier Zhou En Lai vowed to support African people in what he called “their struggle to oppose imperialism and old and new [forms of] colonialism and to win and safe guard national independence”早在六十年代，周总理恩赖发誓要支持非洲人民在他所谓的“他们的斗争，反对帝国主义和新老[形式]殖民主义和争取和安全防范民族独立”

This spirit of cooperation, fraternity and support constitutes the foundation of modern Sino-African alliance, an illustration of Third World and South-South cooperation.这种合作精神，友爱和支持构成的基础，现代中非洲联盟，说明了第三次世界合作和南南合作。 It was re-echoed in