Tag Archive | "Thabo Mbeki" 標籤檔案庫| “塔博姆貝基”

South Africa has dismally failed people of Zimbabwe南非已令人沮喪失敗,津巴布韋人民

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In 1991, A prominent African leader stood up against injustice in a neighbouring land.在1991年,一個突出的非洲領導人站起來,反對非正義的在鄰國的土地。 “The cry for freedom, as well as the cry for justice, stops at no border,” he declared. “的呼聲,為自由,以及為正義的呼聲,停止在沒有邊界, ”他宣稱。

That leader was Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe.該領導人是津巴布韋的穆加貝總統。 He was speaking in Harare, opening the Commonwealth meeting that would decide to begin lifting the people-to-people sanctions that had been imposed against South Africa.他是在哈拉雷開幕的英聯邦會議將決定開始解除人民對人民的制裁,已對南非。

“As you stand on Zimbabwean soil,” President Mugabe said, “only a stone’s throw away from South Africa, the world expects us to spare no effort in helping to achieve an outcome there which will bring comfort to the oppressed people of South Africa.” “如你的立場,津巴布韋土壤, ”總統穆加貝說, “只有一箭之遙扔掉來自南非,世界期望我們不遺餘力地在幫助實現的結果,有哪些會帶來舒適的受壓迫人民南非洲“ 。

It is now well past time that South Africa returned the favour.這是現在以及過去的時間,南非歸還贊成。 Quiet diplomacy is dead.靜悄悄的外交是死亡。 One of Africa’s brightest hopes has turned into the continent’s most dismal failures.一對非洲最閃亮的希望已變成大陸的最令人沮喪的失敗。 爭奪戰津巴布韋:最後倒數 In an era in which our continent is meant to be embarking on an African Renaissance, Zimbabwe is both an obstacle and an embarrassment.在一個時代,在我們大陸是要著手對非洲的復興,津巴布韋,既是一個障礙和尷尬。

President Thabo Mbeki’s policy of “quiet diplomacy” in Zimbabwe has finally been denounced as a disaster by world leaders.總統姆貝基的政策是“靜悄悄的外交”在津巴布韋終於被譴責,作為一個災難世界各國領導人。 The criticism has extended beyond muted signs of displeasure to condemnation.批評已超出了靜音的跡象不滿,譴責。

Senior ANC leaders have urged Mr Mbeki to alter his stance, while MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai has expressed a desire for South Africa to be replaced as mediator in the crisis.非國大高級領導人已促請議員,姆貝基總統改變他的立場,而民運領導人摩根茨萬吉拉伊表達了渴望,南非,以取代作為調停人的危機。

It is worth examining what effects this policy, which has led Mr Mbeki to claim there is no electoral crisis in Zimbabwe, has had on the country.這是值得研究有什麼影響這項政策,已導致議員,姆貝基要求是沒有選舉危機在津巴布韋,已在該國。

Zimbabwe, once one of the healthiest economies in Africa, has been plunged into a crisis that worsens every day.津巴布韋,一旦其中一個最健康的經濟體在非洲,已經陷入了危機的惡化每一天。 Inflation stands at over 100,000 per cent, and is predicted to hit the 1.5 million per cent mark by the end of the year.通貨膨脹率維持在超過十萬% ,預計將達到150萬% ,馬克由今年年底完成。

Its healthcare system has failed, with many children orphaned by an Aids crisis, which Mr Mbeki refuses to take seriously.其醫療制度已經失敗,許多兒童成為孤兒,由一個艾滋病危機,議員,姆貝基總統拒絕認真考慮。 Political violence, intimidation and corruption remain endemic.政治暴力,恐嚇和腐敗仍然是風土病。 None of this has been ameliorated by South Africa’s diplomatic efforts.沒有這一點已得到改善,由南非的外交努力。

This policy has resulted in strengthening Dr. Mugabe’s regime and other countries’ desire to effectively address the plight of the Zimbabwean people.這項政策已導致在加強博士穆加比的政權和其他國家的願望,要有效地解決困境的津巴布韋人民。

By indulging Mugabe’s insistence that the criticisms levelled against him are part of a neo-colonial plot, President Mbeki has granted the man a legitimacy that he would not otherwise have.由沉迷穆加比的堅持的批評,對他是一個組成部分,新殖民主義的陰謀,姆貝基總統已決定給予該名男子合法性表示,他不會,否則有。

It is never quite clear to anyone precisely what quiet diplomacy is meant to accomplish.它從來不是很清楚,任何人正是靜悄悄的外交就是要完成。 Is it supposed to bring about a fresh round of elections — free and fair this time round?它是假定帶來了新一輪的選舉-自由和公平的,這一輪的時間呢? Is it meant to bring about a transfer of power to the MDC or within a “reformed” Zanu-PF?它的意思是要帶來一個權力移交給該委員會或內部的“改革”民盟? Is it meant to bring about some kind of government of national unity?它的意思是要實現某種形式的民族團結政府?

South Africa’s treatment OF Zimbabwe’s opposition has been shameful.南非的治療津巴布韋的反對派一直可恥的。 President Mbeki’s public embraces of Mugabe and his Zanu-PF cronies contrasts sharply with his studied avoidance of Mr Tsvangirai.姆貝基總統的公開擁抱的穆加比和他的民盟的親信形成鮮明對比,與他的研究,避免議員崔凡吉萊。

The ANC’s unswerving loyalty to its fellow liberation government has undermined any claim it might have wished to make as to the even-handedness of its approach.非國大的始終不渝忠於其研究員解放政府,破壞了任何索賠可能有希望,使以更霸道的做法。 This, of course, reflects the ANC’s attitude towards political opposition more generally.當然,這反映了非國大的態度,政治上的反對派更普遍。

The tragedy has been that it is in the interest of all to stand firm in condemnation of the actions of the Zimbabwean government.悲劇已,這是在所有人的利益要立場堅定,在譴責的行動,津巴布韋政府。 It lacks the economic and military clout to seriously threaten its international critics.它缺乏經濟和軍事影響力,以嚴重威脅到它的國際批評。

There is everything to gain in pragmatic terms by supporting reform in a country that has demonstrated such economic potential, and a moral mandate to criticise Mugabe’s corrupt despotism.有,一切為了爭取在務實的條款,支持改革的國家,已證明這種經濟潛力,和道德的任務批評穆加比的腐敗專制。

A far better response would have been the more robust one.遠更好的反應,將已更強大的一個。 Standing up to the Zimbabwe government would have limited their ability to manoeuvre diplomatically and politically, making it harder for them to acquiesce in the current crisis.站起來向津巴布韋政府將有限的能力,運用外交和政治,很難讓他們默許在目前的危機。

Had South Africa been firmer from the outset in dealing with the regime and challenging its actions, it might have been able to limit the machinations of Zanu-PF and the generals now lining up to try and succeed Mugabe.曾南非一直堅挺,從一開始在處理與政權和具有挑戰性的其行動,它可能已經能夠限制陰謀詭計的民盟和將領,現在排隊嘗試並取得成功穆加貝。

A tough stance that refused to indulge Mugabe’s delusions might not wake him up to reality, but his isolation would afford him less political protection than he currently has.強硬立場拒絕沉迷穆加比的幻想可能無法叫醒他,以現實,但他的孤立將負擔不起他的政治性較低的保護比他目前有。

This is not to advocate a US-style hawkish diplomacy against Zimbabwe.這並不是主張美國式的強硬外交對津巴布韋。 That would be entirely inappropriate for the situation and the country, and would have a very dubious prospect of success.這將是完全不適當的情況和國家,並會有一個非常可疑的前景,取得圓滿成功。

Rather, to stand up to Zimbabwe would involve stronger words supported by resolute action, a refusal to indulge Mugabe’s fantasies, and joining the rest of the world in the sanctions they have placed on the regime.相反,站起來,津巴布韋將涉及更強的話支持的果斷行動,拒絕沉迷穆加比的幻想,和加入世界其餘地區在制裁他們放置於制度。

The world currently awaits the results of this most contentious of Zimbabwean elections.世界上目前正在等待結果,這最有爭議的津巴布韋選舉。 A change of stance from President Mbeki might go miles in delivering a resolution. 1改變立場,從姆貝基總統可能去英里,在提供了一項決議。 Let’s hope it’s not too late.讓我們希望它不是為時已晚。

The South African government should tell Mugabe that the human rights abuses, police brutality, arbitrary arrests and beatings of opposition politicians have to stop.南非政府應該告訴穆加貝說,侵犯人權,警察殘暴,任意逮捕和毆打的反對派政治家必須停止。 These actions should remind South Africans of the worst days of apartheid.這些行動應該提醒南非的最嚴重的天的種族隔離。

About The Author: Donald Mogeni 關於作者: 唐納德mogeni -

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Aime Cesaire emphasized Africa’s dignity瑪奈克瑟塞爾強調,非洲的尊嚴

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Poet Aime Cesaire 詩人瑪奈克瑟塞爾
詩人瑪奈克瑟塞爾 Poet詩人 Aime Cesaire of Martinique passed away last week. 瑪奈克瑟塞爾的馬提尼克島去世上週。 He was an iconic co-founder of Black consciousness, long before他是一個標誌性的共同創始人黑色意識,早 Steve Biko . 史蒂夫biko

Surprisingly, of all the non-French speaking African heads of state, only South Africa’s奇怪的是,所有非講法語的非洲國家元首中,只有南非的 Thabo Mbeki sent a message of condolences to the Cesaire family. 塔博姆貝基發出了一個信息的哀悼,向瑟塞爾家庭。

Why the silence? 為何沉默?

In the realm of ideas, Mbeki has been particularly adept at provoking public debates.在境界的思想,姆貝基總統已特別善於挑起的公開辯論。 He did so in 1996 when, as the country’s vice president, he stood before the South African Parliament and proclaimed: “ I am an African “.他這樣做是在1996年時,作為國家的副總統,他站在前,南非議會並宣布: “ 非洲 ” 。 Shortly thereafter, he launched an equally vibrant discourse on African Renaissance.此後不久,他發起了一項同樣充滿活力的話語對非洲的復興。 Two years ago, he raised issues relating to Afrocentricism.兩年前,他提出的有關問題afrocentricism 。 It dominated public interest for months.它主導的公共利益為個月。

It would have been ridiculous for any other African president to stand before his Parliament and declare to be African.它將已荒謬的任何其他非洲總統的立場之前,他的議會,並宣布將非洲。

In White-ruled SA, however, indoctrination against Africa was so thorough that countless Black South Africans believed that Africanness was something to be scorned.在白色統治股份有限公司,不過,灌輸對非洲是如此徹底,無數南非黑人認為, africanness有些被鄙視。 Even after political liberation, it was necessary to keep reminding them that they were indeed Africans – that South Africa is part of Africa.即使在政治解放,有必要不斷提醒他們,他們的確是非洲人-,南非是非洲的一部分。 Hence the imperative for Mbeki’s proclamation: “I am an African”.因此,有必要為姆貝基總統的宣布: “我是非洲” 。

Evidently, it was part of Mbeki’s unwritten job description to confront the arrogance of Eurocentricism by affirming the validity of Africanness.很明顯,這是一部分,姆貝基總統的不成文的職位描述對抗的囂張氣焰, eurocentricism申明的有效性africanness 。 This preoccupation thrust him into the world of ideas regarding African identity.這關注的重點,他融入世界的想法關於非洲的身份。 In this course, it was inevitable to encounter the ideas of Cesaire, hence, Mbeki’s affection for the great poet.在這一過程中,這是無可避免的會遇到的思想瑟塞爾,因此,姆貝基總統的感情,為偉大的詩人。

話語對殖民主義 In context of colonialism, English-speaking global Africa was dominated by political means. 在上下文中的殖民主義,以英語為母語的非洲是全球主導的政治手段。

British form of colonialism involved actual control, direct or indirect.英國的殖民主義形式所涉及的實際控制,直接或間接的。 This systems denigrated Africans, it was perceived as racist and English-speaking Africans transformed their anti-racist sentiments into political movements that revolted and brought about independence to Africa.這個系統的詆毀非洲人,它被視為種族主義和以英語為母語的非洲人轉化為他們的反種族主義情緒,演變成政治運動,反抗和獨立所帶來的非洲。

Conversely, the French colonial policy was based on assumption of French cultural superiority.相反,法國殖民政策是基於假設,法國文化的優越性。 Black French colonies responded culturally by questioning the cultural condescension of assimilation.黑色法國殖民地文化回應質疑condescension文化的同化。 To challenge the arrogance, they embarked upon romanticising blackness and its attributes.挑戰的囂張氣焰,他們開始romanticising黑和它的屬性。

It was at the early stages of this process that Cesaire coined the term negritude.這是在早期階段,這個過程中瑟塞爾創造的任期negritude 。 Leopold Senghor, Senegal’s founding-president, later expanded the view intellectually and popularised it.利奧波德桑戈爾,塞內加爾的開國總統,後來又擴展的看法,智力和廣為流行。

Assimilated Black French-speaking intellectuals in France in the 1930s encouraged themselves to ask, are we really French?同化黑色講法語的知識分子在法國於20世紀30年代鼓勵自己要問,我們是否真的法語? The answer was clear: “We have never been French, we are not French and we shall never be French”.答案是明確的: “我們從來沒有法語,我們是不是法國人,我們永遠不得法語” 。

While at first they had been so proud to be assimilated, they now declared war on the same assimilation policy.而在第一,他們一直引以為傲的被同化,他們現在的宣戰就同一同化政策。 By the late 1950s, they were demanding political independence from France in order to safeguard their culture, their negritude.由50年代後期起,他們要求政治獨立,由法國,為了維護他們的文化,他們的negritude 。

The bid to enhance Africa as a maker of history, Afro-centricity, has taken two forms.申辦,以加強非洲作為一個製造商的歷史,非洲裔為中心,採取了兩種形式。 The first is Gloriana Afro-centricity that emphasises the great and proud accomplishments of people of African ancestry.首先是gloriana非裔為中心強調指出,偉大和自豪的成績,人民的非裔。 These embrace castle builders, those who built the walls of Zimbabwe or the castles of Gondar in India or the sunken churches of Lalibela in Ethiopia; many would include those who built the pyramids of Egypt as well.這些懷抱青山的建設者,這些是誰的牆壁,津巴布韋或城堡貢德爾在印度或沉沒的教堂在埃塞俄比亞拉利貝拉;很多人會包括那些誰建造了金字塔的埃及,以及。

The other is Proletariana Afro-centricity that emphasises the sweat of Africa’s brow, the captured African as a co-builder of modern civilisation - the enslaved as creator, the slave as innovator.另一種是proletariana非裔為中心認為,強調的汗水非洲的眉,被抓獲的非洲作為一個合作的建設者現代文明-被奴役,作為創作者,作為奴隸的革新者。 Slaves helped build the industrial revolution in the western world and fuelled capitalist transformation of the northern hemisphere.奴隸,幫助建立了工業革命在西方世界和燃料的資本主義轉型的北半球。

What about the colonised peoples, as victims and builders of the industrialised modern world?對於殖民地的人民,作為受害者和建設者的工業化現代世界呢? African resources have been used for factories that have transformed the contemporary world.非洲的資源,已用於工廠已轉型,當代世界。 Without those resources today’s global economy would be vastly different.如果沒有這些資源,當今的全球經濟將大不相同。

Negritude is a kind of proletarian Afro-centricity, at least when it indulges in romantic primitivism. negritude是一種無產階級非裔為中心,至少當它indulges在浪漫的原始。 Negritude salutes the African cattle herder not the African castle builder. negritude致敬非洲牛赫爾德沒有非洲城堡建設者。 To that extent, it is part of Afro-centricity Proletariana.在這方面,這是一部分非洲人為中心proletariana 。

About The Author(s): Ali Mazrui and James N Kariuki — Prof. Ali Mazrui is Chancellor of 關於作者( ) : 阿里mazrui詹姆斯n kariuki -教授阿里m azrui是校長的 Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture , Kenya.喬莫肯雅塔農業大學,肯尼亞。 James N. Kariuki is head of the African Diaspora Unit at the詹姆斯12月31日kariuki主管非洲人散居單位在 Africa Institute of South Africa非洲研究所南非 in Pretoria.在比勒陀利亞。

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Third World Order VS New World Order: Sino-African economic cooperation, challenges to globalisation三分之一的世界秩序與世界新秩序:中非經濟合作,全球經濟一體化的挑戰

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Introduction 導言

Africa’s rise to prominence in the geopolitics of the 21st century is explained largely by the renewal of great power interest in the region of the world once dismissed as the “forgotten continent.” This great power concern reproduces the same power-play which is reminiscent of the Cold War when inter-locking and overlapping interests of great powers significantly shaped the outlook of international politics.非洲的崛起,突出了在地緣政治的二十一世紀將是解釋,主要是由重建大國的利益,在世界各地區曾一度被視為“遺忘的大陸” ,這大國的關注抄錄了同樣的權力-這是發揮想起冷戰時,跨鎖定和重疊的利益的大國,形成了顯著的面貌,國際政治。 The end of the Cold War and the subsequent demise of the Soviet Union gave rise to a new environment which President George HW Bush called a “New World Order” in 1990.冷戰結束戰爭和隨後的消亡,蘇聯產生了一個新的環境,總統老布什所謂的“世界新秩序”在1990年。 This new World Order or globalization as it came to be called, saw the expansion of capitalism across regional and continental boundaries at the expense of its reeling rival, communism.這個新的世界秩序或全球化,因為它來到被稱為,看到了資本主義的擴張跨越區域和大陸的分界不惜犧牲其繅絲的競爭對手,共產主義。

Barely a decade after President Bush’s ordination of a new global environment, another world order was gradually emerging.僅僅十年後,布什總統的統籌一個新的全球環境,另一個的世界秩序正在逐步形成。 This “Third World Order” as it has also been named, is championed by a rising eastern giant, China.這“第三條的世界秩序” ,因為它也被命名,這是倡導的上升東區巨人,中國。 The unprecedented rise of China as an economic power capable of steering the course of the global economy provides a credible alternative to the western-driven concept of globalization.前所未有的中國的崛起成為一個經濟強國,有能力的督導過程中,全球經濟提供了一個可信的替代西方主導的全球化的概念。 The imagined rivalry between these two power blocs is the concern of this article.該想像之爭這兩個大國集團是關注的這篇文章。

In the course of expending its economic and political power, China has embraced Africa in an economic alliance which is proving to be worrisome to the West.在這個過程中花費其經濟和政治權力,中國擁抱非洲在經濟聯盟的證明是令人擔憂的向西方。 Africa on its part, hit by the pressures of globalization and frustration following several centuries of unrewarding ties with the West has been more than enthusiastic in courting with China.非洲就其一部分,受全球化的壓力和挫折感以下幾個世紀的吃力不討好的關係,與西方已超過熱衷於討好中國。 This Sino-African alliance is at the core of the “Third World Order” which China is today leading.這是中非聯盟的核心是“第三個世界秩序” ,這是中國今天的領導。 The impact of this alliance is conjured in the words of William Wallis.的影響,這個聯盟是conjured在的話,威廉沃利斯。 “The contours of a new order are still being drawn, but China’s growing stake in the continent has already shaken up an old and fraying one dominated by cautious western donors and former colonial powers” “輪廓一種新的秩序仍然是正在制定的,但中國日益增長的股權,在大陸已動搖了1歲和1磨損為主的謹慎西方捐助者和前殖民國家”

Prelude to the “Third World Order” 前奏的“第三條的世界秩序”

Modern Sino-African cooperation or the “Third World Order,” is the full-blown stage of a relationship that traces its history as far beak as the 10th century and beyond.現代中非合作或“第三的世界秩序” ,這是充分吹階段,這種關係的痕跡,它的歷史,據嘴作為10世紀和以後。 To fast forward this story, the most convenient and agreeable point from which to pick up an analysis of this relationship is the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949.快速向前這個故事,最方便和同意,這點從回升的分析,這種關係是成立的中國人民共和國於1949年。 This period which was largely characterized by the politics of the Cold War, saw the young communist China struggling against the odds of western capitalist domination.此期間,這主要特點是政治的冷戰,看到年輕的中國共產主義作鬥爭的機率西方資本主義的統治。 中國和世界新秩序:如何創業精神,全球化,無國界的業務正在重新塑造中國與世界 The shared historical, economic and cultural experiences between China and Africa marked the beginning of what Chairman Mao Ze Dong called a “Third World alliance” against western oppression.共同的歷史,經濟和文化之間的經驗,中國和非洲標誌著什麼主席毛澤東稱為“第三次世界聯盟”對西方的壓迫。

As China and Russia struggled to battle against the forces of capitalism in the Cold War, Africa became a theatre for this fray.作為中國和俄羅斯的掙扎對抗的力量,資本主義在冷戰時期,非洲成為一個劇院為這個行列。 The resultant “proxy wars” in the continent provided an opportunity for China and Russia to extend military assistance to anti-colonial forces throughout Africa.由此產生的“代理人戰爭”在非洲大陸提供了一個機會,為中國和俄羅斯擴大軍事援助,以反殖民勢力在整個非洲。 During this period of massive Sino-Soviet military assistance to Africa, economic considerations were minimal.在此期間,大量的中蘇聯的軍事力量對非洲的援助,經濟上的考慮甚微。 The relationship was shaped largely by ideological and strategic imperatives which were the defining features of the Cold War.關係形成的,主要是由思想和戰略的必要性,其中界定的特點冷戰。

China gained another significant edge in Africa following disputes with Russia over the leadership of the communist world and differences over the international orientation of communism.中國取得的又一重大優勢,在非洲的下列糾紛,與俄羅斯領導的共產主義世界和分歧,國際共產主義的前進方向。 The Sino-Soviet split as this difference came to be known, gave China considerable leverage to carve out its own “sphere of influence” in Africa.中蘇分裂,因為這種差異後來被稱為了中國相當大的槓桿作用,以開拓自己的“勢力範圍”是在非洲。 A practical manifestation of this Sino-Soviet gulf was seen in the nature of assistance given to the liberation forces in Zimbabwe in the 1970s.一個實際的表現,這中蘇關係海灣被認為是在援助的性質考慮到解放力量在津巴布韋在20世紀70年代。 While China offered training to Zimbabwean guerillas in the manner of a People’s army, Russia did it in the light of a regular army.而中國所提供的訓練津巴布韋游擊隊在該地一個人民的軍隊,俄羅斯沒有在根據正規軍。 This difference not withstanding, the bottom line remained the struggle against western oppression of what China saw as “the masses of the third world.” In this military connection, Soviet arm sales to Africa rose from US $150 billion in the 1960s to US $2.5 billion in the 1970s.這種差異不頂住,底線仍是鬥爭的西方壓迫的中國看到了什麼是“群眾的第三次世界”在此軍事方面,蘇聯武裝銷售到非洲上升到1500億美元,在20世紀60年代到25億美元在20世紀70年代。 China on her part, sold $142 billon worth of military equipment to Africa between 1955 and 1977中國對她的一部分,出售一四二美元億元的軍事裝備,非洲之間的1955年和1977年

Besides the Sino-soviet split, China reaped considerable diplomatic gains in Africa with the waning of Moscow’s influence due largely to the growing dissention within the Russian empire.除了中蘇關係的分裂,中國外交取得了相當大的收益在非洲與減弱莫斯科的影響力,主要原因是越來越多dissention與俄羅斯帝國。 When Russia ceased to exert any significant influence in Africa, this vacuum was immediately filled by China.當俄羅斯不再施加任何重大影響,在非洲,這一真空,立即填補中國。 This diplomatic triumph was followed up on three major fronts-economic, diplomatic and technical.這是外交的勝利,隨訪3個主要方面-經濟,外交和技術。 Sustained dialogue through an unbroken chain of visits by Chinese officials to Africa has remained the strong point of China’s diplomatic offensive.持續的對話,透過一個完整的鏈條訪問中國官員到非洲仍然是強烈的一點中國的外交攻勢。 Way back in the 1960s, Premier Zhou En Lai vowed to support African people in what he called “their struggle to oppose imperialism and old and new [forms of] colonialism and to win and safe guard national independence”早在六十年代,週總理恩賴發誓要支持非洲人民在他所謂的“他們的鬥爭,反對帝國主義和新老[形式]殖民主義和爭取和安全防範民族獨立”

This spirit of cooperation, fraternity and support constitutes the foundation of modern Sino-African alliance, an illustration of Third World and South-South cooperation.這種合作精神,友愛和支持構成的基礎,現代中非洲聯盟,說明了第三次世界合作和南南合作。 It was re-echoed in 2006 in a policy document which Beijing called “China’s Africa Policy.” This document called for “sincerity, equality, mutual benefit and common development,” and emphasized the need for a beneficial “cultural exchange” between China and Africa.這是重新呼應2006年在一份政策文件,北京的所謂“中國的非洲政策。 ”這份文件呼籲“的誠意,平等,互惠互利,共同發展” ,並強調需要一個有益的“文化交流”之間中國和非洲。 This is the strength of the “Third world Order” that faces the “New World Order” in the 21st century.這是實力的“第三次世界秩序”所面臨的“世界新秩序”在二十一世紀。

The economic foundations of the “Third World Order” 經濟基礎的“第三次世界秩序”

The concept of globalization is rooted mainly on the economic strength and expansion of capital.全球化的概念是根深蒂固的,主要是對經濟實力和擴大資本。 As agreed by Bonaglia, Pinaud and Wegner, globalization comprises entirely of “the deepening of financial and trade integration associated with technological progress and multilateral liberalization.” So too is the economic regime of the “Third World Order.” Sino-African economic cooperation involves several facets, the most important among them being trade, investment, aid and infrastructure development.同意bonaglia ,皮諾和韋格納,全球化的組成完全是“深化金融和貿易一體化相關的技術進步和多邊自由化。 ”也是如此,是經濟制度的“第三條的世界秩序。 ”中非經濟合作涉及幾個層面,其中最重要的被貿易,投資,援助和基礎設施的發展。 Among these, trade has a pride of place and a long history in this alliance.其中,貿易有一個驕傲的地方,和悠久的歷史,在這個聯盟。 When China started buying cotton from Egypt in 1956 very few observers could foresee a possible Chinese trade domination of the entire continent in less than half a century.當中國開始購買棉花,從埃及於1956年,極少數觀察員可以預見一個可能的中國貿易的統治,整個非洲大陸在不到半世紀。

Today, China imports a wide range of commodities from Africa.今天,中國進口各種各樣的商品來自非洲。 These include oil, iron ore, cotton, diamonds, logs and several other minerals.這些措施包括石油,鐵礦石,棉花,鑽石,原木和其他幾個礦物。 African agricultural products which have suffered from the cruelty of globalization now find profitable markets in China.非洲農產品遭受的殘酷全球化的現在,尋找有利可圖的市場在中國。 Burkina Faso, Benin and Mali provide China with 20 percent of its cotton imports.布基那法索,貝寧和馬里向中國提供20 %的棉花進口。 The Ivory Coast and Ghana are important sources of cocoa and Kenya sells large quantities of coffee beans and tea to China.象牙海岸和加納的重要來源可可和肯尼亞銷售了大量的咖啡豆和茶葉到中國。 Namibia provides large shipments of fish and fishmeal.納米比亞提供了大量出貨的魚類和魚粉。

The figures about China-Africa trade illustrate the depth of this economic cooperation.數字介紹了中國-非洲貿易說明的深度,這經濟合作。 This trade rose by 700% in the 1990s.這貿易額增長了700 % ,在20世紀90年代。 In 1999, the trade volume stood at US $6.5 billion.在1999年,貿易額為65億美元。 From 2002 to 2003, trade doubled to US $18.5 billion.從2002年到2003年,貿易翻了一番,達到185億美元。 In 2005, it stood at US $39.7 billion and again jumped to US$50 billion in 2006.在2005年,它為美國39700000000美元和再次躍升至500億美元,在2006年。 A year later in 2007, it rose to $55 billion.一年後在2007年,則上升到550億美元。 In February 2008, Chinese Premier Wen Jia Bao optimistically predicted that Sino-African trade would reach $100 billion in 2010 removing China from its current third position into being Africa’s first trading partner.在2008年2月,中國國務院總理溫家寶樂觀地預言,中非貿易將達到1000億美元,在2010年取消從中國目前的第三位,正在成為非洲的第一貿易夥伴。 “The opening of new trade and investment corridors between developing countries…confirmed as a growing phenomenon in UN figures…is a discovering sight for the old powers,” says Conal Walsh. “開放新的貿易和投資的走廊發展中國家之間…證實,作為一個現象日益嚴重,在聯合國的數字… …是一發現視線為舊的權力,說: ” conal沃爾什。

Trade in oil is among China’s priority areas in Africa.在石油貿易是在中國的優先領域是在非洲。 Projected to become the world’s biggest oil importer soon after 2010, China seeks to expand its foothold in the African oil sector at all cost.預計將成為世界最大的石油進口商在2010年後不久,中國旨在擴大其立足點是在非洲石油部門不惜一切代價。 In Nigeria, Africa’s largest exporter of crude, China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) has paid $2.7 billion for the right to explore oil.在尼日利亞,是非洲最大出口國的原油,中國海洋石油總公司( CNOOC )付出了27億美元的權利,探索石油。 In Angola, China Petrochemical Corporation (SINOPEC) gained a 50% stake in the BP operated Greater Plutonic project.在安哥拉,中國石油化工集團公司(中石化)的股票上漲了50 %的股份的BP經營的更大的深工程。 In Sudan where the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) helped develop Sudanese oil fields (in the chaotic 1990s), China receives 60% of Susan’s oil output.在蘇丹的情況下,中國石油天然氣集團公司( CNPC )幫助開發蘇丹油田(在混亂的20世紀90年代) ,中國獲得60 %的Susan的石油產量。 In Somalia, CNOOC has signed a production sharing deal with the transnational government of Somalia, one of the world’s most volatile countries.在索馬里,中海油簽署了一份生產分享處理與跨國索馬里政府,其中一個是世界上最不穩定的國家。 China already stands on the doorsteps of Sudan, Chad, Nigeria, Angola, Algeria, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea and the Republic of Congo, Africa’s frontline oil producers.中國已經站在門口蘇丹,乍得,尼日利亞,安哥拉,阿爾及利亞,加蓬,赤道幾內亞和剛果共和國,非洲的石油生產國的前線。

In the mineral sector, China stretches its hands very far into Africa.在礦產部門,中國延伸至其手中的很遠,到非洲。 President Hu jintao’s inauguration of an African economic and Trade Zone during his Africa tour of 2007 is proof of China’s emerging monopoly in the mineral trade in Africa.胡錦濤主席的就職典禮的一非洲經濟和貿易區,在他非洲之行2007年證明了中國新興的壟斷,在礦產品貿易在非洲。 The Chinese –controlled Chambisi Copper Smelter in Zambia is at the heart of this economic zone and is a joint venture between China Nonferrous Metal Mining (CNMC) and Yunnan Copper Industry (YNCIG).中國人控制的chambisi銅冶煉廠在贊比亞的核心是這個經濟區是一個合資企業之間的中國有色金屬礦業( cnmc )和雲南銅業( yncig ) 。 China also lays claims on vast mineral resources in neighboring Zimbabwe where President Robert Mugabe, spited by the west, has passionately embraced a “look east policy” with inspiration from China.中國還規定,索賠對廣大的礦產資源在鄰國津巴布韋總統穆加貝, spited由西,熱情擁抱了“面向東方政策”的靈感來自中國。

In other areas of the continent, China remains the talk of the day.在其他地區的非洲大陸,中國仍然是談一天。 In Angola, China outbid Brazil in 2005 for the sight to tap into iron ore deposits.在安哥拉,中國的出價巴西在2005年為觀光進軍鐵礦床。 In the Democratic Republic of Congo, China struck a deal last year with 8 $ billion dollars which gives China 68 percent stake in Grecamines, the state copper mining company and costs would be repaid in minerals over 30 years.在剛果民主共和國,中國是一個處理去年8美元, 10億美元,這給中國68 %的股份, grecamines ,國家銅的礦業公司和費用將償還的礦物質超過30年。 In the Ivory Coast, China exercises control over a manganese mine at Lozoua where it exports manganese to the Chinese market.在象牙海岸,中國演習的控制權錳礦在lozoua而錳出口到中國市場。 In Gabon the state owned China National Machinery & equipment Import & Export Corporation struck a $ 3 billon deal to mine Iron ore in Belinga.在加蓬國有中國國家機械設備進出口公司是一個300億處理,以礦山鐵礦石在貝林加。 In Mauritania, China’s Transtech Industry (together with a Sudanese company) agreed to invest more than $600 million in the construction of a railway line in exchange for an estimated 165m tons of phosphate used in the production of fertilizers.在毛里塔尼亞,中國的transtech業(連同一名蘇丹公司)同意投資6億美元以上在建造一條鐵路線在換取估計165米噸磷酸鹽用於生產化肥。 While China imports cobalt from the DR Congo, South Africa remains China’s largest supplier of ore and manganese.而中國的進口鈷從剛果民主共和國,南非仍然是中國的最大供應地礦和錳礦。 China’s push into the African mineral market continues to grow despite western outcry.中國的進軍非洲礦產市場繼續增長,儘管西方嘩然。

Besides trade in oil, minerals, agriculture and manufactured goods, aid is another key pillar in Sino-Africa economic cooperation.除了貿易在石油,礦產,農業和工業品,援助的另一個關鍵環節是支柱,在中非洲的經濟合作。 The most Significant difference between China’s aid to Africa and that of the west is that Beijing does not attach too many strings and “conditionalities” on its loan packages.最顯著性差異,中國對非洲的援助,以及對西方的是,北京並不重視,太多的弦樂團及“條件”就其貸款的軟件包。 These “soft loans” to Africa do not follow along the lines of western bureaucracy nor do they respect the western “equator principles” of lending.這些“軟貸款” ,向非洲提供不遵循大致相同的西方官僚主義,也沒有尊重西方的“赤道原則”的貸款。 Estimates put Chinese loans to Africa at $19billion as of 2006.據估計,中國對非洲的貸款元19billion作為2006年。 These loans despite western outcry on humanitarian grounds have been seen as positive instruments for Africa’s development.這些貸款雖然西方嘩然,基於人道理由,已經被視為積極的文書為非洲的發展。 “What the Chinese are doing is taking a long term perspective of the ability to repay debts” says Donald kaberuka, President of the African Development Bank. “什麼,中國正在做的是一項長期的角度來看,有能力償還債務,說: ”唐納德卡貝魯卡,總統非洲開發銀行。 “Take a country with [a] rich subsoil that is emerging from war. “一個國家與[一]豐富的心土這是剛剛擺脫戰爭。 In terms of its static numbers it doesn’t look good.而言,其靜態的數字,它並不樂觀。 It would be a HIPC case or a grant case from the traditional donors,” he said.這將是一個重債窮國的案件或贈款案件從傳統的捐助者, “他說。 The Chinese are looking at it and saying ‘what is the capacity of this country which is not exploited?’ So they exploit that capacity, build infrastructure.中國人是看它和說, '什麼是能力,這個國家是不是剝削? ' ,使他們利用這種能力,逐步建立基礎設施。 It is a different analysis,” Kaberuka concluded.這是一個不同的分析, “卡貝魯卡結束。

Since the 1990s, the range of Chinese investment in Africa has broadened significantly. 20世紀90年代以來,一系列的中國在非洲的投資已顯著擴大。 It has evolved from a few sectors such as resource development, including oil, agriculture and fishing to other areas such as textiles, consumer electronics, tourism telecommunications and road construction.它已演變從幾個行業,如資源開發,包括石油,農業和漁業到其他地區,如紡織品,消費類電子產品,旅遊,電訊和道路建設。 By the end of 2006, the accumulated amount of Chinese investment in Africa totaled $11.7 billion.由2006年年底,累計中國在非洲的投資總額為117億美元。 In 2005, the total Chinese Direct investment in Africa was $400 million, constituting 1.3% of total inflow of direct investment in Africa in that year.在2005年,共有中國,直接在非洲的投資是4億美元,構成了1.3 % ,佔總流入的直接投資在非洲,在這一年。 This investment driven by China’s booming economy is having a significant impact on Africa’s economic growth “China’s fast rising demand for commodities, spurred by industrialization is having an increasingly significant impact on world commodity markets as well as the resource rich regions of the world-particularly Africa and Latin America,” says Tamara Trush, Senior economist at Deutshe Bank.這項投資的推動下蓬勃發展的中國經濟是有一個重大的影響,非洲的經濟增長“中國的快速上升,對商品的需求,帶動工業化是有一個越來越重大的影響,世界商品市場,以及為資源豐富的地區整個世界,尤其是非洲和拉丁美洲,說: “塔瑪拉trush ,高級經濟師deutshe銀行。

Attracted by the improved political and economic climate in Africa and Africa’s untapped resources, there are currently between 800 and 900 Chinese enterprises doing business in Africa.所吸引,改善政治和經濟環境在非洲和非洲的尚未開發的資源,目前有800至900中國企業做生意,在非洲。 The pressures of globalization and liberalization have also forced many African countries to open up to the outside world, thus embracing “easy-coming” investment from Chinese companies.的壓力,全球化和自由化也迫使許多非洲國家開放,向外部世界,從而樹立“易來了”投資中國公司。 A bulk of these companies are privately owned and driven largely by commercial motivations.一大部分的這些公司是私人擁有和推動,主要是由商業動機。 These commercial motivations and their resultant constraints are some of the reasons for the rise of anti-Chinese sentiments in certain parts of Africa as workers clamor for higher wages and better working conditions.這些商業動機和其造成的限制的部分原因的崛起,反中國的情緒,在某些非洲部分地區,作為工人的鼓譟更高的工資和更好的工作條件。

In response to this budding resentment, Beijing has adopted or modified the language of “corporate social responsibility” to (re)define its economic ties with Africa.為響應這一苗頭性的不滿,北京已通過或修改的語言“企業的社會責任” (重新)確定其經濟關係,與非洲。 “For the Chinese enterprises, there is a growing awareness of this importance,” says Yang Guang, Director of the Institute of West Asian and African Studies. “對於中國企業來說,人們日益認識到這個重要性,說: ”楊光,研究所所長,西亞洲和非洲的研究。 “This is not only for Africa but they [Chinese companies] are also aware that without achieving a kind of win-win solution, without helping the local people to see the result of development, investing counties will not sustain their achievement in this continent.” Continued Guang, “so we can see especially the large scale Chinese companies, they have already begun to pay attention to this and are doing a lot of things in this regard. “這不僅是對非洲,但他們[中國公司]也知道,沒有實現一種雙贏的解決辦法,而不幫助當地人民看到的結果發展,投資,縣將不會維持其成就,在這個大陸。 “繼續廣, ”因此,我們可以看到,特別是大型的中國公司,他們已經開始注意這一點,是做了很多事情,在這方面的工作。 For instance, many of them are involved in building schools and hospitals for the local people where they have their investment, and they also pay attention to the localization of labor to hire local laborers.”舉例來說,他們中的許多涉及在建設學校和醫院,為當地人民,他們有他們的投資,和他們還注重本地化的勞動聘用本地勞動者“ 。

To illustrate his thesis of China’s corporate responsibility in Africa, Guang pointed out that Chinese companies doing business in Africa have created a record number of 70 thousand jobs.為了說明他的論斷,中國的企業責任在非洲,廣指出,中國公司做生意,在非洲創造了一個紀錄人數7.0萬就業機會。 He also cited the case of China National Petroleum Company (CNPC), the leading company in Africa which began its first report on corporate responsibility since 2006.他還列舉了案件,中國石油天然氣公司(中油集團) ,領先的公司在非洲開始其第一份報告,就公司責任,自2006年。 “If they want to be good competitors in the market, they will have to fulfill better their corporate responsibilities,” Guang concluded. “如果他們要成為良好的競爭者在市場上,他們將有更好的履行他們的企業責任, ”廣得出的結論。

China’s corporate responsibility and investment in Africa are largely facilitated by the flow of capital in the form of Foreign Direct Investment.中國的企業責任和在非洲的投資主要是促進了資本流動在形式的外國直接投資。 Besides its record $7600 billion worth of investment in Africa, FDI is spreading across dozens of African countries as Chinese companies expand their search for raw materials in Africa.除了它的紀錄七萬六千億美元價值在非洲的投資,外國直接投資正在蔓延全國幾十個非洲國家作為中國公司擴大其搜尋的原料是在非洲。 In recent years, China’s largest acquisitions have been in Africa.近年來,中國最大的收購已在非洲。 The monumental $5.5 billion offer by the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC) to buy 20.5 percent share in South Africa’s Standard Bank is proof of this South-South economic vibrancy.紀念五十五億元,提供由工業和商業,中國銀行(工行)購買20.5 %的市場份額,在南非的標準銀行是證明了這一點,南南經濟的活力。 This deal between the largest bank in China, and the largest bank in Africa seeks to establish what Jacko Maree, Standard Bank Chief Executive calls a “financial services gate way” linking these two regions.這項協議之間最大的銀行在中國,最大的銀行在非洲的目的是確定什麼樣的傑克遜maree , Standard Bank的行政長官稱為“金融服務閘門的方式”連接這兩個地區。

In an effort to strengthen this flow of financial capital and promote what analysts call a “go out” policy, Beijing has encouraged state-owned banks to look for overseas acquisitions in order to gain expertise and improve China’s relatively unsophisticated banking system.在努力加強這流動的金融資本和促進分析家呼籲“走出去”的政策,北京一直鼓勵國有獨資商業銀行尋求海外收購,以便獲得的專業知識和改善中國的相對落後的銀行體系。 In this regard, the Chinese Export-Import Bank (EXIM Bank), China’s biggest Africa-related lender, said by the end of the first half of 2007, it had authorized loans worth $13.3 billion for African projects and had disbursed half of that money.在這方面,中國進出口銀行(進出口銀行) ,中國最大的與非洲有關的貸款人表示,到去年底2007年上半年,它已授權的企業貸款,值133億美元用於非洲項目,並已支付了一半錢。 This is the financial muscle which Beijing is flexing in Africa, pricking the conscience of the West and in the process provoking hostile criticisms.這是財政肌肉,其中北京是伸縮在非洲,刺良心的西方和在這個過程中挑起敵對的批評。

These criticisms as they continue to grow fall on deaf ears as China remains defiant and unwilling to let go of its gains and prospects in Africa.這些批評,因為他們繼續增長,秋天就充耳不聞,因為中國仍然是違抗和不願放過它的收益和前景在非洲。 Observes William Wallis, “for Africa’s traditional allies in the West, which as recently as the 2006 Summit of industrialized nations at Gleneagles were overhauling their own commitment to the continent, the terrain has shifted.觀察威廉沃利斯“ ,為非洲的傳統的西方盟國,最近在2006年首腦會議的工業化國家在格倫伊格爾斯被檢修自己的承諾,大陸,地形已轉移。 Chinese funding of infrastructure, trade and development in Africa has grown to rival theirs, surpassing lending by multilateral agencies such as the World Bank and IMF.” Continued he, “the unmatched firing power of Chinese state companies and their willingness to secure supplies at all cost are at the same time driving competitors away,” Wallis affirms emphatically.中國的資金基礎設施,貿易和非洲的發展,已經成長為他們的競爭對手,超過貸款的多邊機構如世界銀行和國際貨幣基金組織“ 。繼續他”無可匹敵的發射功率的中國國有企業和願意安全用品在所有成本是在同一時間,駕駛的競爭對手消失, “瓦利斯申明強調。

The physical impact of China’s presence is seen in the transformation of the African landscape through infrastructural development and technology transfer.身體的影響,中國的存在被認為是在轉型,非洲的景觀,通過基礎設施開發和技術轉讓。 This infrastructural transformation is considered vital to the economic development of Africa which had before now been hampered by the absence of infrastructure.這基建轉型被認為是至關重要的非洲經濟發展了,現在受到阻礙缺乏基礎設施。 The most significant developments in the infrastructural and technological history of modern Africa took place with the coming of China.最重要的事態發展,在基礎設施和技術的歷史,現代非洲發生的與未來的中國。 Among these achievements are the Chinese constructed TAN-ZAM railway line in Southern Africa, a hydroelectric dam in Ghana and a mobile phone network in Ethiopia.其中這些成就的取得,是中國興建的潭zam鐵路線在南部非洲,水電站大壩在加納和移動電話網絡在埃塞俄比亞。 China helped Nigeria in launching its satellite into space, one of the rare technological successes in sub-Saharan Africa.中國幫助尼日利亞在其發射衛星進入太空,其中一個罕見的科技成就,在撒哈拉以南非洲地區。 These gigantic achievements add to the list of roads, railways, bridges, dams, hospitals, airports, schools stadiums and legislative building constructed by Chinese engineers.這些巨大的成就,添加到列表的道路,鐵路,橋樑,水壩,醫院,機場,學校,體育場館和立法建設所興建的中國工程師。

Except for the skeptics, there is unanimous agreement that China’s part in infrastructure development could help open up the continent and make business more competitive.除持懷疑態度,有一致認為,中國的一部分,在基礎設施的發展可以幫助打開了大陸和作出商業更具競爭力。 It also leads to the transfer of technology which holds long term economic benefits for the continent.它也導致了轉讓技術的擁有長遠的經濟利益,為大陸。 “Chinese companies are not only investing in Senegal, but transferring technology, training and know-how to Senegal at the same time. “中國企業不僅是投資在塞內加爾,但轉讓技術,培訓和技術訣竅,以塞內加爾在同一時間內。 China which has fought its own battles to modernize has a much greater sense of the personal urgency of development in